Atkin was right! over the top. But sat RICHARD neerall practice of the party: Just before the clection, Sharon Atkin's speech at a black section meeting in Birmingham, in which she denounced the racist Labour Party' caused a furore. Even many on the left of the party thought that the term racist was September/Ocioter 1997 SOCIALIST DUTIOOK no 3
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK ne 3 5aptember/Qeinber 190/ Immigration detention ship 'Earl William' at Harwich. Left, Simon Tesfogergish, EPLF fighter stopped on his way to Belgium and right Omid Ashabi, an Iranian christian. Would a Labour government grant FARL WILLIAM them asylum? SONI ON 24
but immigration by curopean and Trish workers wus encouroned bu the Attlee government. TO was a probleni and ther nation. The overriding issue for goveinment policy was not comharing racial discrimination, or ensuring good conditions These were the theines of the bipartisan approach to black im- ycars ago established the premises which governed subsequent pulicy on black famigranon by all governments, Labour and Those premises were as follows flack immigration was a fore a tlincar in the social cnfesveness and stahiliry of rhe British of housing, etc:, for imunigrant blacks, but rontrolling the namiters. migration that hoth Labour and Tories implemented in the six bocalse they were of alien race', not of good sock" LABOURS RACISM ties and seventies problem" Fory. the chargr. For die evidence we shall examine the records of the racism we mean nor simply individial discriminatory acts, bur the racial discrimination thar is institutionalised in the struc- tures of British society, in particular those of the economy and the stare. The charge of racism that we bring against the Labour Party is based on the policies pursued by the national leadership of che Labour Party, especially when in office. Notwithstanding a mumber of progressive positions that Labour has taken, the overall balance sheet of its record is one of support for policies which have condoned and reinforced racial discrimination, and WHAT DOES it ican to say that the Labour Party is racist? Tr icans that in spite of its formal commitment to racial equality Labour has failed to effectively challenge racism in practice: By both traded on and fostered popular ideologies of race". L A B three post-war Labour governments.
THE ROOTS of Tabour's racism be in its complicity in Britain's: 20/8/1948) We do not need to apologise for our mission in cipled opposition to empire. On the contrary, Labour's reforme perialism. Is attitude to decolonisarion was consoquenrly. ternarionalist principle of self-determination, Thas the Arlee government conceded independence to India under pressure. granred it to Malaya ouce a bloody colomal war had ensured a pro British succession, and opposed it in Africa (These sen- timents were shared by the Labour left. Ax Tribune said Africa. Wharever the reasons which took our forchears there wel imperial role. The Labour Parry never had a ponition of prin- were to he paid for out of the super-profits of British im- governed by what was most expedient for Britain, mot by an in The Attlee government: setting the racist agenda
Carlos G 25 Kichard Crossman, a leading Cabinet miniser, mude clear. In government's commonwealt immigarion bill in the house of campaign in Smethick in 1961 dramatically Confirmed thr Tabour was faced wich a choice: It could have stood firm, at least on the ground of fine entry for commonwealth citizens, and this option. Everytung was sacrificed to electoral expediency, as 1962 he wrote: 1 ma proud the Labour Parte is leading the fight againsr the governmenr's imonigration bill. We oppose it as a THE CLIMATE of racist hegan to worsen appreciably in the late 1950s, but die Labour leadership intedly vessed pressure for commons in Ibl, in the name of the righr of frec entry uf coms- trub (the Trish were excluded. This was to he the last time a Be 1968. Even before Smetwick Labour ander Wilson had capitulatod to popular pressure and had switched to suppor for untigrarion controb. The surcescof the racist Tory election strungth of racism among Labour's traditional supporters. waged a compaign against racism, eluding in its own ranks. There is no evidence that rhe Labour leadership even considered immigration cuntrols Gaitskell strongly arracked the Tory monwealth cineons and of tie racist narure of the proposed con Diane Abbott, first black woman MP; Sharon Atkin The 1964-70 Wilson government: appeasing racism could have joined her but for Labour's leadership Labuer leadership cook in stand on these principles: shamefal piece ul colour bar Iegislation'.? From the above examples, we can see it was the Attlee government, supposedly the most radical ever, which forty of restricting black immigration. Ir ser up a cabinet consmittee for ta review to be made of the furber means which might be adopted to check the immigration into this country of coloured people from the British colonial territories' * The problems in question were unemployment, illegal immigrants and welfare about the arrival of a lew hundred West Indians in search of wotk, ar a time of labour shortage in Bricain, said -T hope no en- cuuragement will be given to others to follow their example: - To cetahlished socicty like ours would only be welcomed without reserve if the immigrants were of good stock and were not prevented by their religion or race from intermarrying with the In 1950 the Labour government first posed the possibility From the very beginning of pust-war black immigration; leading figures in the Atlee government were constructing it as a problem. As early as 1916 Chuter-Ede, the home secretary, said ar a meeting of the cabiner foreign labour committee thar 'He would be much happier if the intake could be limited to cn- trabs from the wester countries, whose traditions and social backgrounds were more pearly equal to nur own and in whose case it would be possible to apply the sanction of deporration.! In 19+8 Traacs, the minister of lahour, quescioned in parliament 1944 a royal commission reported on future possible labour shortages and said immigration on a large scale into a fully scroungers" The roview concluded thar controls were not ad As Labour shouldered its share of the white man's burden: abruad, in also inherited dhe mande of patriotic antipathy to foreign immigrants to Britain. The racism chat had earlier grected Irish and jewish immigrants, in which lahour movement leaders had joined, was how transferred to black immigrants Tr is often thought that the Tabour Party only canirulated to racism trols in the early 1960s, In fact the foundations of Labour's subsequent racist policies were laid under the posr-1915 Auer against black immigration in the wake of Tory immigration con visable ar that time, but might become so in the lutute. host population and becoming merged in ir SOCIALIST OUTIOCKno:3 SeptemberiOcober 1987 govemment.
Picket in support of Winston Silcott outside the Old Bailey The second authoritative source is the views of black people themselves. demonstrated most graphically in the riots of 1980 other issue needs to be mentioned: that of the police. During this tinued to have a powerful impaor on the lives of black people. aud that there was no evidence of any real Emprotement in the cconomic situation of black people since similar studies a decade carlier.? The same picture is reflected in lie Runnymede Trust To complete rhe record of the last lahoot government, one period they combined the persistent harassment of black people with elitaristic operacions against anti racists (culmoting un Southall in 1979 when some 350 were arrested and Blair Peach criminalising black youth. All this took place ander a Labour was killed) and a calculatod idenlogical offersive aimed ar FRAMED Insrirure in 198+, which concluded that discrimunation con SILCOTT WINSTON BEING reports Different Worldi, published in 1983 and 1986 supposedly committed to ES RACT SM Having decided that black immigration was a vote loser for But after Smethwick he wrote in his Diaries: Ever since the be the greatest potential vote loser for the habour Party If we are sect to be permicung a flood of immigrants to come in and racino but this "political disadvantage", by entering into what simply resurecting the rhomes of British lahourism that we - to its last — the 1969 immugration appeals are which deliberacely placed bureaucratic delays in the was of respunse to racia agitation by the Fories and the popular press passport holders living in Kroya so come to Britain, the Labour bill through parliament in three days to deprive them of the concepe of putrality rodeny the right of entry to all those who the renewal nt the Smerhwirk election it has been quite clear that immigration can became a Dutch auction with the Tories over immigracion con- truls, with Powell calling the bids. I would be wrong however to say that they were trying to secal the Tories' clothes They were haur identified under the Attlee government, now put into mo- The Wilson government pursued a two pronged strategy sometimes described as keep them pot bat treat the ones who've got be nicely': Fach birter pill of further restrictions on black immigrarion was sugared with a measure to counter racial - the race relations acts, the CRO, section 11, There is not space here to deal with the full record of the those entiiled to enter, offen of threc, four or five vears. But it is worth mentioning perhaps the padir of Labour's policy of ap- peasing racisen, the 1068 commonwralth Immigrants act. In abour a move by several thousand Asians who were British government, with Callaghan is bome secretary, rushed a new right of entry. This act was exubcilly racist, introducing the new ded not have a parent or grandparent born in Britain, Parsaliry the wban aid progranne. We assess their effectiveness below LABOUR Labour, the Wikon government attempted to nullily, became the basis of the Torics 1971 Immigration art. Wilson govermer, from its first act highs the contral areas of our cities' f rich by the logic of electoralism: Tories 1962 acr дікстітівапол
and switched to supporting immigration •Wilson capitulated to popular pressure control'
Neil Kinnock working on another ha SOCIALIST.OUTLOOK no 3 September/October: 1987 DURING THE first teren of the Thatcher governmen, the Labour leadership adopted a more explicitly anri-ranst stance in note to all CrEs — Labme and the blark ectorale — which drew a highly critical balance-sheer of the 1974-74 Labour govern- ment. - Roy Hanersley herame shadow home secretary, made a The second issue that the Labour leadership took up was to acknowledge the centraliry of racism, choosing instead to sub- in employment housing and education. Here the lead was programme drawing on thosc iniriatives was included in Labour's programme in 1982, and formed the basis of the pro- three mam policy areas To 1980 the NEC circulated an advice self-eriticism for having supported the 1968 connonwealth im mugrants act, and launched a strong offensive against die lory government's new nationalicy bill, promising a "non-racist. the riots of 1980 and 1981. On this issue they were less prepared sume the specific oppression of black youth in a more general, The thard issue was that of positive action policies, manly taken by a number of labour councils, most norably the GEC. A posals in the 1983 clertion manifesro. They included a senior and traditionally Tabounst, critique of inner city deprivation. non sexist nationality act" when Lubour returned to power. Labour under Thatcher Act. The socond Wilson government made an moves to aholish, it it began by making a number of minor concessions in entry procedures, but retreated once more in the lace of the ruing wave of racism in the scoobd halt of the decade In 1976 Alex Lyon, the home ciffice minister in charge of immigration, was sacked for being too liberal. In proposal thar was taken up by the Torick and ased as the basis of As we bave said, since die mid sixties Tahour had pursued a Two-pronged strategy, in which strict control of black int- migration, the procondition of good race relations", was accom- panied by a harrery of measures to achieve them: the race rela- time uct, the urban programme, section El, the Commission for Racial Equality and the CRCs. They reached their apogee under the 1971-79 Labour government the 1976 race relacions act, the 1977 enhanced urban programme, the 1979 ethnic groups bill. There is nor the space here to describe these measures in detail or to asess their shortcomings: the paucity of tively, the tendency to marginalise ethnic provision It is no accident thar the Tories were able to vore for all these measures: But we can draw a halance-shoet of the ellectiveness of this strategy to cradicate racism simply by asking itby the end of the 1970s racial discrimination had significantly diminished? The answer is no, and we have two authorirarive sources for it. The firar is surveys such as that conducted by the Policy Scudies 1977 the Callaghan governient published a green paper on na finance, the lack of reeth, the failure to target black people effer - tonality law, propping two classes of British cozenship: The 1974-79 Labour Government AL THOUGH OPPOSED to the 1971 their notorious 1981 nationaliev act.
9. Quoted in R Miles anil A Pliable Mar Miss Coco. Plate Quoted in M Fingerilf and 7. Layton-Henry: 'Opposnion Parnes and lions, demanding more radical policies on racism and power to response from a section of the electorate relentlessly folnented election mirments contained in the 1983 manifesto on rare (excepr for an unspecified strengthening of the law on racial hatred, and she addition of vague though welcome encouragement for contract cutipliance clauses): Norahly, ir stresses the need for firm and fair urmigration control and abandons the commitment to & Quoted in S Joshi ani R Carto, Labour and the crcaten of rade: To Police if Raren Britain: All trul and distorting the Spocial Patrol Groups on to take adequate steps to mirkle racial lisadvantape and give a cieat foul in the in Rare, Gunzaumt and Molitics in Rream ed 2 Ift, particularly with comits such as the GIC, Brent and Lambeth. The other, related, factor was the rise of black sec: by the Tones and the modia: One again the Tabour leadership manifesto which has abandoned virally every one of the com failed to deliver the promised change in the living and working ronni; We failed on renace the racisi migration bot ur to make immigration laws more lestl in theratin - bv. for example. promotion of cutal singurtunity policies especially in enipirement 10. Thanks Walid Haddad for his comments on dus artle pusition is cellected in the 1987 of these. lutors provoked FL Brown Had mud one Seian Heinemann 1584 Layton Tienry and P Rich, Marmilian 1986, p-103 ot to end the hansoment of blacks by toe police Bintain'. Rarrand Car vil XXY so J..p 50. black people within the Labour Party- 9 See Fiberald and Layton Lien pe29 1. Quoted in Joshi and Carter p.01 repeal the 1971 and 1901 nets. come of Pritain's alini minities. 8: In sail tha Labour Farry nadi 5, Quoted in Z Layton Flenre, R'S RACIS M Race Policies 1979-832, Unwin 1989. p: 60. repealing "sus 2. Thr p. 57 1981. P. 21 Bentain! 6. 156 minister for racial equality, tarial disadvantagr unice in guvemnient departments, positive action progrummes with in- creased resorting, stronger laws against racist activity, and a major public education campaign against racial projudice. The migration act and the 1981 nationality act (although, sharing the Tories" premise of strict control of black immigrarion, they proposed to replace them with legislation that was nor that Labour's policies on race in the carly mighries were no more Yer ir is true to say that this was the mouse explicitly anti-racist stance that Labour had yet taken. What were the reasons for Labour raising the profile of racial anoquality in this period? The fundamental reason was rhe same as that which triggered Lahour's still to the right in the carly 1960% whien it espoused In the carly 1980s Labour came under ancreased pressure manifesto aso included a commitment to repeal the 1971 it- radical than those of the Alliance, which they closely paradleled immigration controls — die calculation of electoral advantage 1. A B immigration controls
from MILITANCY to MARXISM by ALAN THORNETT Carlos Guar
27 a personal and political account of organising car workers organisation and political work in the Cowley car plants, is a unique account of such work Order from: Left View Books, BM Socialist Outlook can get a copy of from Box 3956, London WCIN 3XX. Militancy to Marxism at the specially This, the first of three books planned by SUBSCRIBERS: new subscribers to Price: £9.95 plus 75p post & subscription form on back cover. ALAN THORNETT on trade union from someone directly involved. discounted rate of £6.95. See SPECIAL OFFER TO NEW packing. the general election, but the most loyal section of Tabour's sup: This shift rurned out to he short-lived. The watershed was the 1983 general election. Defeat for Labour led co a general issuse including racial equality. In addition, there were lour overwhelmingly vote Lahour on class grounds, almost regardless of its policies on race. " The second -- the Witer sidi of this coin — was that anti-racist policies risked losing white vores lors The first was the association of anti-racism with the hard Irom the blark electorate. A number of develupmense in par- ucular the nors and the nationality act, served to place raro at Jie top of the political genta. Labour had done disastrously in portion of the clectoral base of Lahour MPs, The crearion of the Alliance meant a pocential alternative to Labour for black Voters. Labour responded to this complex of fartors by giving retreat to the right by the Kinnock leadership on alf policy factors specific to race. The first was a reassessment of the black vote The 1983 election demonstrared that black voters would for Labour The politice of electoral anthetic dictated This calculation was powerfully affected by two other luc port proved to be black voters, who now assumed a greater pro hard-hitting speech in defence of black people's rights? greater emphasis so policics for racial equality. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 3 Saptember/@craber 1962 moderation.
Labour's electoral chances. Here JANE WELLS argues that leftwing anti-sexist and anti-racist policies were While the major pressure on Labour's: equaliry policies in the coming years will be bians and ravs, and the demands which they. raise in the class struggle, the ability of the labour movement as a whole to respond to chem demands and advance dem politically; Many people inside the Labour Party accept that support for anti-sexist and anti-racist policies deeply hurt much afthe lef) is on the delensive on these the struggles of women, black people and les- not the fundamental reason for Labour's defcat, and that it would be tactically and morally disastrous for