THE HIGHER:
HE REACHES..
..THE
TODAY
LOWER
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CLAUSE 4
B means not only that trade unionists paying the political levy have no say in selection, but also that an MP is accountable to one meeting every five years, with General Committees impotent in the meantime: in effect accountable to no one.
The loss of this major democratic right of reselection (regardless of the small effect it has had so far) would be likely to be followed by an attempt to reverse the election of Leader by the electoral college, although the right see no need to attack on this yet, given the marked reluctance of any left MP to challenge Kinnock. He has already spelt out how he sees
Labour's election programme being drawn up: it should only contain what he wishes.
However, the Left is still strong but divided. The support given to the miners, the struggle against ratecap ping and the ongoing battle for the rights of women, blacks, lesbians and gays all indicate the strengths and weaknesses of the left. Where miners have joined the Labour Party they have been involved in attempting to replace those who failed to give them full support; women, blacks, lesbians and gays have no interest in supporting those who insist on treating them as second class members; and while the Left still has to prove itself in backing their struggles consistently and seriously, many are realising that they are natural allies.
Although the ratecapping fight has
TORY
DONE BRUTE
ERENCE
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VER
ended in defeat (with the exception of Liverpool) it opened the eyes of many, both in the Party and out, to the emptiness of the rhetoric of many "left" figures, and the limitations of a strategy based totally on the will. ingness of counciliors to vote time and again to defer a rate. While the defeat has led to demoralisation in some areas, it has made many even more determined to win next time.
Those who sold out could not have done so more openly and blatantly and have made themselves a clear target for deselection. Furthermore, the situation opens massive opportunities for the Left to put forward a serious strategy for the struggle faking it out of the Council chambers and putting the working class, organised through unions and community groups, at the centre, and drwing those willing to fight into the labour movement.
With the regroupment of the right gathering pace earlier this year, particularly with the defection of Livingstone, tendencies on the left began to recognise a need to work together on practical issues if they were to maintain and extend their influence against his tide. Labour Herald first publicly raised the issue but solely in terms of Labour Herald being the "vehicle" for such regroupment, whích would mean other tendencies and campaigns defying their independence and without ever proposing any organisational steps. A case of wanting to appear to say the right things without actually meaning it. In response to this, Labour Briefing put out its own call, and invited Socialist Viewpoint. No. 7, September 2985, Page 10 nearly all tendencies and campaigns to an initial meeting. Of the tendencies only Labour Herald and Militant have ignored this, reflecting their sectarian view that they have no intention of building a strong left apart from building their own tendency. Out of this first meeting has developed the Labour Left Coordination and agreed appeals on various central issues see elsewhere in Socialist Viewpoint) and a fringe meeting and a bulletin - probably daily — at Labour Party Conference.
Progress has been slow and sometimes fraught, but these have been important small steps. If the majority of the hard left are seen to be working closely together at Conference it will have the effect of both worrying the right, who rely on the divisions of the left, and impress and encourage those on the left who feel isolated
However, if the LLC is to be seen as a serious force, then it has to go beyond this minimal existence with a few representatives meeting reguarly. It needs to begin to organise the lett in a real sense of building a working organisation which intervenes, where agreement exists, in the strug. gles both against the bosses and their government and within the labour movement against those who sell out. No one tendency on the Left is at present strong enough to claim dominance or command the respect of the Left in general. Yet working together, without burying important differences, the Left could begin to draw in those on the Left who turn away in despair at the myriad of different tendencies, and mount a serious challenge to the present rightward drift. Although it would be premature to attempt it yet OUr model has to be the National Left Wing Movement of the 1920s which managed a significant minority of the Party.
the left can work seriously together now, it gives us the opportunity to build a large opposition to the social democratic policies of the leadership, both in terms of fighting them now and if Kinnock organises a Te-run the Wilson/Callaghan governments. It is not enough to start organising against such a sell-out when it happens; such opposition will not readily spring out of nowhere, it has to be built for now, pointing out the preparations Kinnock is making.
Through working together at Conference this year, the Left can begin . to organise its major task for '86, mounting a challenge for the leadership election. Kinnock (and Hattersely) cannot be separated from their policies, and a campaign must be organised firstly to put pressure on one of the reluctant MPs to challenge Kinnock, and to take that challenge into every union and Labour Party body possible. The left working together could make that a serious challenge; if unlikely to win, then at the very least organising those forces willing to fight back.