Blackpool '84
THERE is a saying that one strike is worth thousand resolutions. truth of this (if it needed proving again) was borne out in the effect of the miners' strike on both the NUM delegation and — on some issues on this year's Labour Conference in general.
At 1983 Conference, a woman delegate went to the rostrum to complain of sexual harassment by the NUM delegation. This year miners' delegation not only ported the demands of the Women's Action Committee (with a miner giving one of the best speeches in support heard coming trom a man) but also backed the calls for Black Sections and British withdrawal from Northern Ireland
The majority of conference, in opposition to NEC recommendations - or, at best, the luke warm support of the the NEC, members could be seen squirming in their seats passed radical resolutions on the police, local authority cuts and condemning the use supergrasses and plastic bullets in Northern Ireland
However, conference as a whole was by no means a victory for the left: many of the more "radical" failed to commit the Party to action now, and the centre/right managed to ride out the storm and retain control of the NEC
The Miners' Strike
This dominated the first day of conference and continued to be a major factor throughout the week. Kinnock had tried to get the resolutions condemning police behaviour withdrawn in exchange for supporting a general motion of solidarity with the miners. The movers refused and had to sit and watch while conference not only gave a euphoric reception and standing ovation to Scargill, but also passed motions directly attack. ing the police, which led a police spokesman to make the comment that they would find it im possible to work with a Labour government.
However, in amongst the denunciation of police violence and undercover surveillence were the strange demand that the next Labour government should "stop the police from playing a part in industrial disputes" and a call for the police to be able to join trade unions (affiliated to the TUC and Labour Party?).
The the supoften whose of motions push for meaningful action.
Kinnock
(using Daily Express credentials, revealing and putting the centre/right on the the
NUM spot, from pressure merely a statement support for the NUM"
clear that it is not only other workers in struggle which it refuses to support, the GMBU put no emergency motion at all to conference on the im.
By PETE FIRMIN
CAN
But, as at the TUC, the NUM refused to capitalise on their support and
In addition to the weak resolution of support on the Monday, the NUM leadership backed down on getting conference to declare the strike official and thus share its contempt of court. After a writ was served on Scargill in the conterence on the Tuesday afternoon for which its editor was expelled from conference) the TGWU wanted to put an emergency resolution declaring that conference regarded the strike as official. Instead of welcoming this
MPs buckled under Basnett and the GMBATU and the resolution became expressing "full Just to make it Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 21
FORAFAFER, DETTER BRITAIN prisonment of 37 of its own members for fighting for their jobs at Camell Lairds on Merseyside.
Black Monday for Kinnock
It was on the same day that Kinnock suffered defeat on the issue on which, according to the press, he had "staked his authority as leader": reselection. Against all expectations amendment" disenfranchispolitical levy and opening the door to postal ballots was rejected by 3.5 million to 3 million. At the end of the day it seems the amendment was so blatantly designed to protect sitting from accountability that the "left" trade union delegations could not accept it. Conference was left with a rather confused "status quo" atter motions for and against the change were rejected, reflecting a general feeling that, although the present system is not perfect, the amendment would be a step back for democracy. However, there remain
Cuts
Ine Tory offensive against the NHS and local authority services meant that conference could without major debates on these. On the NHS excellent policy was passed committing the next Labour government to the nationalisation drug companies, the private medicine and a free prehensive health service. fighting cuts and privatisation in the here and now, nothing stronger was put (and passed) than deploring cuts
"the NHS campaign": a campaign which has everything to do with transporting Neil Kinnock and tons of leaflets around the country by "ambulance" and very little to do with fighting the cuts. No motion expressed support for, or attempted to learn from, the hospital strikes and occupations which have taken place.
Because local councils are, unlike Health mand not ure as ellas on local not be as evasive on local government cuts. Motions pledging opposition to rate-capping abolition of the metropolitan councils were passed, explicitly stating that this may involve illegal action. These are welcomed, but the scale of the task involved in turning words into action should not be ignored. While David Blunkett the local government "hero" was telling conterence that it is not the job of Labour councils to make uts, striking NALGO members from
'his" Sheffield Council were lobby ing conterence. And Kinnock was let off the hook when Militant supporters composited out any criticism stance from the resolution on Liverpool, leaving conference merely "applaudina" Liverpool dubious) victory.
From Economism to Socialism
While conference was very radical on the "bread-and-butter" issues of the miners' strike and cuts, this is still a long way from recognising specitic oppression of blacks, lesbians and gays or from a basic understanding British problem. Once again, resolutions on lesbians and gays were not discussed despite several resolutions being submitted, and despite the immediacy ot the Rugby Council's announcement that it would not employ gays.
All four women's resolutions were defeated (by larger margins than last year) and there was resemblance between the arguments used against Black sections and those wheeled out year after year against the women's demands - that it would alienate whites/men; blacks/women can reach positions on merit without positive discrimination 'separatism"/"apartheid" (!); we're all socialists anyway, aren't we? The similarities went further: Gwynneth Dunwoody spoke against the women's resolutions on behalf of the NEC (Jo Richardson, chair of the not pass of the abolition of com-
Yet on women's committee refused to do so), and right-wing blacks made the same arguments against black sections -one, a member of the EETPU delegano and the tion, and another, member of the UPW (now UCW) exand ecutive opposed local postal workers taking action against Grunwicks to support the strike for unionisation of to the (largely Asian) workforce. On Ireland, similarities with the miners' strike obviously moved the Conference maof the NEC - to oppose Diplock Courts, the use of
Plasticism est Out ePile ento was
lerrorism passed by 3 million to 2.5 million, on.
of his ly 450,000 votes were cast tor the motion rejecting the Unionist veto on Irish Councils ipartisanship and for the party to argue for arguments still have to be won in the the movement; an understanding of these women, out of economic militancy, but has to be argued clearly and politically. of Ireland's
Down but far from out Daily Mirror's headline was "Kick the and the right were kicked around the issue given conference floor on the miners' strike control at the end of the week, having ridden out the storm. Rarely directly a striking challenged on fighting Tory policies howe, innock and Hattersley fathe no challenge at all to their positions as Leader and Deputy. despite the right's back-stabbing of the miners. Speaker after speaker opor and water down reselection denounced it on because of the need for "unity" against the that it was divisive of the NEC to bring this issue forward. Yet if "unity" is right, who when a
The recognition of the
• against the recommendation
But while this was
Unity, calling for an end to withdrawal of
British
The message for the left comes over does not grow automatically
THE
After the first day of conference the phlet they were still in attending and
Committee.
"Unity" was
'Evans amendment"
Militant can
Tories, and complained
Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 22
| the issue, who is going to ditch the right-wing MPs? Many have yet to learn that such unity helps only the who use the left's refusal to push forward as an opportunity to counter-attack, on policies, reselection or further witch-hunts.
Postscript extent to which the centre/right have managed to keep control despite a "militant" conference is shown by their confidence in electing Shadow Cabinet and installing rightwingers as chairs of the NEC sub-committees. Particularly the election of Turnock (a Weighellite leftover in the NUR) as chair of the organisation committee and Cure (rabid AUEW right-winger) as chair of the appeals and mediation committee are a clear indication of the Right's intention to fight tooth and nail over reselection. Kinnock's refusal to appear on the platform at any of the NUM's rallies is a tell-tale sign of the respect he gives to conference decisions.
people most jubilant (and nauseatingly so) at the defeat of Black sections were the supporters of Militant. Obviously extremely worried about the development, they against Black Produced a pamagainst sections (in the name of the LPYS) and brought many of their black supporters to Blackpool for most of the week. They even went to the unusual lengths (for them) of lobbying.
and speaking at. fringe meetings organised by Labour Briefing
Black Sections Steering
The reason for their concern became obvious - until now Militant has had a virtual monopoly of radical black youth in the Labour Party and they (rightly) see the black sections movement as a serious threat to this. The hypocrisy of supporting specific sections for youth but not for black people was blatant for all who cared to open their eyes. The only (semi-) political arguments which muster are that black workers have no interests separate to those of the working class as a whole and that the Black Sections Steering