Labour Party conference was a strange affair, with the ‘Partnership in Power’ changes having left the structures very barren.
Few decisions were taken on key policy areas. Most policy resolutions are forwarded to the National Policy Forum (NPF) which produces lengthy reports differing little from government policy.
The four slots for ‘contemporary’ resolutions at this conference were filled with relatively uncontroversial issues through the manoeuvres of Blair’s friends in the trade union hierarchy.
This meant other resolutions such as on the loss of manufacturing jobs, the new ‘anti-terrorist’ law, the Asylum White Paper and the U.S. bombing of Sudan and Afghanistan were not discussed.
Controversy was stifled by a combination of these restrictions on policy debate and the unwillingness of most trade union leaders to use the remaining opportunities for policy-making to criticise the government. Little disagreement with the government was expressed, let alone voted for.
Only two resolutions contentious with the leadership made it on to the agenda. The RMT resolution calling for renationalisation of the railways and opposition to the privatisation of London Underground was overwhelmingly defeated in favour of a bland TGWU resolution in support of government policy.
Conference clearly showed that the leadership call all the shots
The composite on electoral reform would have committed the Party to defend First Past the Post for Westminster elections, essentially arguing that we should oppose any change which might lessen the chances of Labour winning elections. It looked like it might embarass the leadership until the AEEU leadership agreed to remit at the end of the debate.
Against this, the election of four ‘dissidents’ to the NEC on the left/centre left Grassroots Alliance slate was an incredible achievement.
The Alliance won 4 of the 6 places elected by CLP members. Dennis Skinner came within 20 votes of winning one of the places elected by MPs and MEPs(!). The Alliance also won all the places it stood for on the Conference Arrangements Committee, and now has 30-40 supporters on the National Policy Forum.
However while the election results may make the Left feel stronger, conference clearly showed that the leadership call all the shots. The danger is that the Left will lose sight of this in election euphoria.
It has won 4 seats on an NEC of 32 which is no longer responsible for policy, only organisation. The new NEC members have committed themselves to fighting for democracy on the NEC and to regular report backs to those who elected them. NPF members will fight for the right to take minority reports to conference so there can be real debates and votes.
They should be supported in this, but it falls far short of what is needed.
If the Left is to achieve these democratic victories, let alone change or defeat the government’s right wing policies in practice, it needs to make itself an effective force in the Party. It needs to be part of campaigns and struggles which reach beyond the Party membership.
This requires a major debate involving the widest layers of the left in the party. Even to maintain this year’s election result will be hard – the Blairites will learn from this year and organise far earlier and more effectively. The best way would be for all the organisations supporting the Grassroots Alliance to jointly call a conference for supporters.
Such a concept of organising democratically is a long way from what has happened so far. The candidates and platform of the Grassroots Alliance were dictated by the desire of the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy (CLPD) to keep out the ‘ultra left’ and keep Labour Reform on board at all costs. In fact, the candidates were elected despite being denounced as trotskyists or dupes of trotskyists.
Labour Reform showed itself to have very little on the ground to win nominations. Many on the left were wary of voting for their candidate, Andy Howell, because of his record of voting for cuts on Birmingham Council. Other Labour Reform supporters have been equally prominent in pushing through cuts. Howell got half the votes of the left candidates.
Despite these problems, Socialist Outlook supported the whole slate on the basis of the need for a disciplined campaign. There is nothing wrong with an election platform primarily around defence of party democracy. But for this to continue to be relevant to wider layers of Party members, let alone workers outside, it also has to make key policy issues central.
As Liz Davies says, the Grassroots Alliance is the start of something big and exciting. It could develop into an effective force. The danger is that this opportunity will be squandered.