laws, support for a single european currency "if the conditions are right" and a national minimum wage only after the employ. ers have had their say. Neither the Jobseekers Allowance nor the Immigration and Asylum Bill will be repealed, only parts of them.
But the postal ballot referendum on the manifesto did not produce the rush of enthusiasm the leadership hoped for.
They resorted to "reminding"
members to vote, both in writ. ing and by 'phone.
They can identify who has voted (and therefore how they voted) and have offered a prize to the CLP which gets the highest turnout. They offered to send a replacement to people who said they had lost their ballot paper!
Hardly the way to run a democratic ballot, but indicative of how worried they were that not enough people would vote, thus undermining the whole sorry exercise.
They expressed concern at the unexpectedly high number of members voting "no" - but for Blair one dissident is one too many.
While those opposing the leadership will remain a small minority, their votes show there is a layer of members who reject not only the leadership's programme, but also the argument for not breaking ranks in the run-up to the election.
Despite an increased vote for the Left and retaining two of the constituency section places on the NEC, the Labour Left is weak. Many members elther be. lieve Blair will deliver despite everything he says, or accept that they shouldn't "rock the boat" in advance of the election. Only a small layer actually agree with everything Blair is putting Blair will not reverse the cam. age done by the Tories are - asdition he and those aroune -are declaring war on their own party.
Knowing that their policies will be unpopular and meet resistance, they nave set out to make it clear to the ruling class that they will stand up against the unions, and further, that they want to sever the union link to prevent any fightback against their policies spilling over into the Party.
Proposals are waiting in the background to scrap the link and conference, to sideline the NEC, to vet all potential MPs, and to abolish GCs as a policy-making forum at constituency level.
Much of this will be posed as giving more influence to ordinary members. as the referenda on Clause IV and the manifesto were. The real result and aim will be to concentrate more and more power in the hands of a few people at the top of the party.
These are the battles to come, but they are certainly not lost in advance. Trade union leaders may need to be dragged into the fight over the link, but they will have to fight, and it will be no pushover for Blair.
Saturday November 9 1996 = ==- SEC =:
While Blair may enjoy a certain honeymoon period in government, his policies will provoke a backlash from the working class.
Even Denis Healey predicts that moves to a single currency will prompt a repeat of the strikes in France last December.
The Left cannot simply await developments, it has to prepare now. It has to build a campaign around defence of the union link, preparing for next year's union and party conferences.
It must continue to outline what Blair's programme will mean for the working class, building up support for policies which address its real needs.
Ultimately the battle will not take place primarily on conference floors but in the class struggle.
Strong links between the Left in the party and the unions ready for a concerted fioht against Blair's anti-working class programme in government, are essential, as is support for struggles taking place now as the best preparation for those ahead. : 3S-5 London Weish Centre = Sai -= Acad London ve xöà c övoœ oà ccă ăccdens cer
Socialist Outlook 110 • November 9 1996.