testing times nationalist community.
The events since January do not contradict that analysis. The British government now feels able to use any and every means possible to suppress the WHAT IS GOING on within black sections? Confusion reigns over the so-called 'Morris proposals' (put forward in Tribune on 8 January by TGWU deputy Bill Morris) for a 'black socialist society'. How does the existing black sections leadership intend to respond to them?
The questions posed in this discussion are critical for the future of black sections.
The setting up of a black socialist society would require NEC support to succeed. The clear implication is that Morris can swing powerful trade union support behind the proposal provided that a 'deal' can be struck with black sections. The key question is what would this mean for the struggle for black self-determination in the labour movement - an advance or self-limitation?
Paul Sharma is the main spokesperson within black sections themselves for dropping the full-blown demand for recognition in favour of more 'realisable' objectives which would increase "black representation' in the Labour Party.
The LOC have now dropped their previous, purely formal, support for recognition of black sections in favour of Sharma's more 'sensible' approach.
In a recent article (also in Tribune) Sharma described those in the black sections leadership still committed to full recognition as a 'mujaheddin' faction.
In fact, the essence of the 'Morris proposals' is that a deal is perhaps available, or at least some substantial trade union support at the NEC, for a black socialist society, on the condition that black sections are de facto wound up.
This is not to say that the 'maximum demand' for black sections could not be kept as a formal part of a black socialist political activity of Irish people and their supporters here and in both the six and twenty-six counties in order to preserve their interests in Ireland.
To this end they have locked society's programme.
Morris represents that wing of the trade union bureaucracy least hostile to the development of anti-racist policies and more receptive structures for black members. But, he cannot and will not support demands for real black self-organisation in the labour movement. To do so could cost him his job.
Other sections of the bureaucracy are completely hostile to making any concessions to anti-racism and to their black members. It is clearly in the interest of black Black sections on the march sections and black caucuses in the unions for this policy division in the labour movement bureaucracy to be intensified.
Yet, this can only be done successfully from a position of strength. If the Labour leadership is prepared to concede a 'partially liberated zone' in the form of a black socialist society then so be it. Its basis must be absolutely unconditional.
Why is it that so much support has coalesced around the minimum demand of a black socialist society leaving the maximum demand for black sections looking like 'pie in the sky'?
This is both an objective problem and also a problem of leadership. The trade union block vote remains an apparently impregnable up innocent people, tortured and murdered nationalists and made permanent an extremely repressive piece of legislation.
Under the cover of the Anglo-Irish accord, they can obstacle to any advance at Labour Party conference.
At the same time a series of internal tensions have riven black sections themselves.
The debacle over the defence of Sharon Atkin, the new black MPs' predictable lack of accountability, leading figures' support for huge local authority cuts, and possible disarray over how to respond to the education bill and its ramifications for 'black' (actually religious/ethnic) schools have all contributed to a crisis of direction within BLACK SECTION your voice Tin the Labour Part black sections.
The leading figures in the national black section are in the political camp of the 'Labour Left Liaison' (LLL) -the "soft' wing of the hard left.
In common with their political co-thinkers in LLL they talk 'left' on future policy for the Labour Party. But they take an ambiguous or evasive approach to current struggles and basic questions of socialist principle.
It is this lack of clear leadership that has undermined black sections' credibility and lent credence to the accusations which have dogged black sections from their inception of being a vehicle for 'opportunistic careerists'
By bending to the right wing 'wird of change' in the Labour Party over the past two years
UPFRONT
do this and still expect safely to ride out any political storm under the guise of continuing to seek political solutions to the so-called Irish problem • JEAN REILLY the black sections leadership has in some senses fulfilled that prophecy.
The foundation of black sections was the product of a particular phase of development in the Labour left and in 'autonomous' black politics.
In the same way conditions for further advance by black sections will be determined by a shift in the general political climate. Exploiting more favourable future conditions successfully, however, depends on the way the black sections leadership conducts itself in this current phase of relative isolation.
Few gains have been made by black sections since its role in the MP re-selection process.
Maximum gains out of a future phase of 'uptur' are perfectly possible provided the hard left moves black sections forward on four key policy planks.
First, support for and co-ordination with black self-organisation within the trade unions and disputes involving black workers.
Second, a thorough approach to carefully chosen campaign issues and campaigns against state racism.
Third, developing a clear socialist strategy in defence of black peoples' interests as workers and users of public sector services.
And fourth, prioritising solidarity work with key national liberation struggles: notably South Africa/Azania and Palestine.
Preparations can be made now for the day when black self-organisation in the labour movement can wrest real concessions from the bureaucracy in one of its inevitable moments of weakness • DAVID CURTIS 5