another fine wouldn't tax farmers the South: mess for the Tories FEATURES David Coen Many elements in Ireland, not g more than evens chance that also unionists, are coming round to the view that the solution is one of economic, but not necessarily political, union as a region of the EEC. For that to work however requires a of Bot JUSt economic but also political ties with Britain. There is a such a solution will be op- posed by a significant section nationalists nut loosening juSt
early 1980g. the Free State's financial irresponsibility of There were also differences. with Haughey over divarce, and keep investment. By the debt per capita was among Des O'Malley and the others who left Fianna Fail to Progressive Demourals (now back in an uneasy coalition with Fianna Fail) did so because of the gowemment. capital in the attempt to win the highest in the world. the Hanghey's AMACH SUPPORT WOMEN DUBLIN УШТН ARMACY The- tween coming to power in 1932 (and very limited) commitment to secondly. who gained from Fianna Fail's import restrictions and "go it and 1958 and third, and most im- Charles Haughey's Franna Fail Party in the 26 counties has traditionally got its support from three different. often opposing forces. Firstly, from the small from the small business people alone" economic policies he- farmers, attracted by the early of the Conservative Party- redistribution; land
anyway never very committed to the idea that capitalism in Ireland could survive without being clients in one way or another of the British, and are now quite happy as clients of the EEC. The large landowners in particular cially when out of power, lo There is very lintle dis- agreement among the ruling class in the 26 Counties on Eamonn O Dwyer/Report the question of Europcan unity: The old ruling class, based on the large landowners and the banks, are heavily in favour of free trade. They were contraception and particularly Haughey's tendency, esp- play the nationalist card. winds of recession as Britain pulled back "cast Foreign investment, the changing pallems of trade, and entry to the EEC in 1972 meant a gradual lessening of dependence on Britain. Republicanism for Fianna Fail mostly been a was feeling the chill Fianna Fail has always trumpeted its nationalism on military spending same time, it retain its base, its appeal deriving from its ability to deliver jobs and to increase state spending, as against Fine Gael's "balance the managed to placate its traditional rural and small businces support by comhining a con- servative Catholic populism with careful dis to foreign capital, it managed to portantly, from the working class wan over by a combination of job Even when Franna Fail under Sean Lemass abandoned the old Sinn Fein self-sufficiency policy in 1958 and opened the economy creation and puhlic spending.
that they are among the fiercest proponents of Despite the unity over the EEC, and the fact that the split in Fianna Fail was nver debt and issues such as divorce and contraception, there is nevertheless a senous split in the Southem ruling class on the national question. The hitter divisions which gave rise to the Lenihan affait arise mainly from Fianna Fail's SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 29, December/January 1990/91 mon Agricultural Policy. I is a bit ironical have gained disproportionately from the Com free trade and the need to end subsidies. way ahead of the ability of wage carers to mutter of shifting the economy out from under British. It also provided a helpful flow of funds (especially through the Cormon Agricultural Policy) to the Fianna Fail Govemment from 1977, when spending rui Strangely for a puty that has always trum- peted its nationalism, it was not the crosion of grieved by the cheap food policy of the the shadow of Britain, a policy which ap pealed especially to the farmers who felt ag pay for it through taxation. republicanism around hread and butter issues seemed inhally to be having some success ster O'Neill met with Lemass in Dublin. The Northem cconomy, which depended heavily tribution of state jobs and benefits to its own Its claim to republicanism rested mainly on the motion that the best route towards unity was to make the 26 counties attractive so as to wean the unionists away from the British wol- when in 1965, the Northern Irish Prime Mini modernisation This stale. suppones. Page 24 fare
tions short of a massive and thoroughgoing to explain the British presence simply in economic terms, when the real reasons are a bit more complex. For the ing effecte on British politics - not just the from Mozambique and Angola, which were ing of the whole political fabric of the British State which goes back to the incorporation of Thatcher's anti-EEC rhetoric and pro-Unionist attitudes were all of a piece To contemplate breaking the Brtish to withdraw from Ireland in any condi- defeat of the nationalists would have devastat- effects on the Portuguese of withdrawal mostly the result of military defeat, but a tear- Ireland and Scotland in the late 18th century. mistake of trying Institute of Directors Conference in Belfast, In May of this year, Haughey, as President of the BEC Council was well received by an tion decisions in the Dublin Courts and a demonstration outside led by lan Paisley. Haughey's speech was on the benefits of a Professional optimists like the SDLP'* this despite Unionist complaints ahout extradi- unified approach to economic problenis, North John Hume seck to carry this further, arguing that European economic and political integra- tion should allow greater regional autonomy. theless be a massive blow to the republicans. FEATURES Despite Haughey's betrayal of the Hunger Strikers, his implementation of the Anglo-Irish Agroement and his support for extradition, a substantial section of the ruling class considers him to have a "fluwed pedigree", that is he cannol he trusted not to try to whip up nationalist sentiment for his own ends (The original charge against him was that be at- tempted while a Govemment Minister in 1969 to import arms for the IRA " he was ac- The "flawed pedigree" argument surfaced again in the Presidential election. Haughey was forced by his Coalition partners, the Progressive Democrats (PD), to sack his Deputy, Minister for Defence attitude to the North. quitted).
Union (and here you can include break up of the United Kingdom ir Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1985. And this was only an attempt to stem the months are likely to stall once again government" - the 26 Countics, can have a say in the described hersell as a Unionist. Ap- whuch have dragged on over the past question of whether a parently against her instincts, European political union, or was prevailed upon to sign Scotland and Wales) "talks about Influence of Sinn Fein. and long time associate, Brian Lenihan, (Rarely docs selfless loyalty to the party require voting for your own dismissal pute goes far beyond the PD's claims abour low standards in high places. It has much more to do with the political direction of pulitics in the South, and nationalism in Fianna Fail to the project Despite the official rewriting of his- tory and the down-playing of anything anti British (ther is to be no official celebration of the 75th anniversary of the 1916 Rising), the miling class fears for heing economical with the truth. as Lenihan, in cffect, did!) But the dis- the threat posed by any crisis of the miling class. economic
even economic dismemberment of the British State, What stagnation of Sinn Fein's support, there is Jess pressure on the British to meet even the mini- mal conditions on participation pul unity in Ircland, like the general political union within the EEC, threaten the acute from the Tories's sandpoint is that many elements in Ireland, not just nationalists but also unionists, are coming, round to the view that the solution is one of economic. but not necessarily political, union as a region of the EEC, For that to work however requires a political structures of part of the UK. Progress towards economic makes the problem in Ireland forwand by Dublin. Maves toward progress After 1992, the border will anyway disappear as an economic frontier, all that will remain is the 300 mile line of British Army watch- ment of the Irish problem can be achieved within the EBC is however closely tied to British politics and particularly to the debate The whole question of whether a "settle- New irish president, Mary Robinson - a modemiser within the Tory party. was happy to including contraception. negotiate cross voting with her to try to keep dilemma for the left in Ireland. Robinson deserves support because of her defence of divorce and abortion. However, she resigned Lenihan and Fianna Fail out. And this is the jections to the. Anglo Irish Agreement and she from the Labour Party over her right-wing ob could stir up nationalist sentiment and strengthen the Republicans, whovare identified as the main threat to the ruling class, noth is why Fine Gacl, while socialist party" (helieve it or denouncing new president Mary Robin- son for having the support of a revolo not, the Workers Party!) women s rights and south. This
cal ties with Britain. There is a more than loosening of not just economic but also politi evens chance that such a solution will be op posed by a significant section of the Conserva Making concessions on Ireland or political union in the EBC would rick a meltdown at the core of the British ruling class, though the economic case for both is strong from the capital, if not national Page 25 standpoint of big Ireland, was the source of one of the major divisions in the Party in the 19th century. The other was on trade, centred on the repeal of the Com Laws. It looks like we are now seeing a third split, potentially as damaging, over those who have first hand experience of the reasons for the British remaining in Ireland has anything to do with "peacekeeping". On the contrary, the British are expert in fostering However, some sections of the left make the Few but the most naive (and least of all intemal divisions in order to divide and male. British, or any other, empire) helieve that the European union. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 29. December/January 1990/91 it, a referendum to remove Articles 2 and 3 of the timing of this referendum would have to simply the difficulties it could cause Fianna supports the removal of Articles 2 and 3 from Fbough Robinson denies she will be part of the Constitution (which assert that the national territory comprises all 32 counties) could be the next step for the the ruling class. Of course take into account a wider range of issues than Fail and it is hard to see it taking place outside of a new attempt at a British settlement in the North. Defeat in this referendum would none- the 26 Counties' Constitution hecause threaten the Unionists:
How