nationalism in the national The challenge of victory in October. the SUPPLEMENT centre. Yet more 70 years of Stalinist rule did not solve the Nationa/ Question but exacerbated it self-determination up to and in- cluding complete independence; secondly, a struggle against all forms of nationalism - and above all Great Russian nationalism. These were advanced with the aim of establishing the complete equality of all nations within the Tsarist empire, thus facilitating a free and voluntary union between them. This Holy Russian empire, declared, "one and indivisible" by the Tsars, was to Lenin a 'prisonhouse of nations' and its revolutionary overthrow could not but have a national as well as February 1917 revolution aroused great expectations amongst the imprisoned nations, awakening many to conscious national life for the very first time. Yet in the national USSR a social content. The SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 28, November 1990 The pre 1917 Bolshevik position elements. Firstly, recognition of on the question, developed large- ly by Lenin, consisted of two key the right of oppressed nations to surprised most socialists and Soviet power and finds it rich on the National Question. He Russian revolution and early The rise of mass nationalist learn from it if we are not to movements in the USSR has in debates and experiences examines the period of the argues that Marxists must be totally disorientated by dismayed many others. In this article DAFYDD RHYS reclaim this heritage and recent events.
SUPPLEMENT Party members territory must tice the right of working language and to tive language in stitutions; they way counteract Ukranian put into prac- people to study in the Ukranian speak their na- must in every in- ing examples: Communist all Soviet bond' between the bourgeoise and peasantry also tended to blur these so- The class differentiation of the na- tional movements in Latvia, Estonia, Belorussia and to a lesser extent the Ukraine was well developed by Oc- tober. In other areas this was far from the case. Thus in many areas the Bol- sheviks found themselves very weak outside the urban centres. The bour- strong in Armenia, the Mussavat Party in Azerbaijan. After October the defenders of unity under Kerensky, were staunch inde- nationalist Dashnaks Mensheviks, themselves cial contradictions. pendence. Georgian declared geois and country in the oppressed between town were further exacerbated nations. The tendencies national Russian "Great towns, by the divide
David King the rural population of the Ukraine, even linguistically,...into a sphere of commerce and industry, the steady proletariat, the influence of the ad- influences shared with Russia."(4) Ukranlan peasants: their demands were often ignored schools...have definitively growth of the homeless "In Ukraine urban culture is Rus- sian; Ukranian culture is rural. The proletariat has an urban, Russian cul- ture. The future belongs to the proletarian culture, ie. to the urban working people" (2) push the guage into the lan- and must con- lan- Russification background, vert the Ukranian attempts that ing for the first time to political life, nationalist developments were hardly surprising. The masses of the oppressed nationalities, awaken- Predominantly peasant, they were overwhelmingly concerned with solu- tions to their national and agrarian plight. In such circumstances the new government had to show that not only "formal' but also practical, material equality with the former ruling nationality was possible under the Soviet system. An attentive and serious attitude to their national demands was necessary to overcome suspicions and resentments arising were doing so in their own languages. nationalist Such consciousness was generally Russified and low. Thus the including the question was downgraded class, were nationalist national working largely easily
Looking deeper they reflect the tionary movement. Such positions cies were further exacerbated by the country in the oppressed nations. The towns, including the working class, consciousness was generally low. Revolutionaries or Bourgeois nationalism even within the revolu- were far less prevalent amongst the Bolsheviks then the Mensheviks, So- Cadets, whose chauvinism was multi- plied a thousandfold; but they never- theless existed. Great Russian tenden- national divide between town and were largely Russified and nationalist Thus the national question was easily self will effect an assimilation of the munist Party helps the peasant to develop his rural Ukranian culture, Such a "struggle of two cultures" had been the unofficial policy of the culture, ie. to Russian culture. Life it- sian...though at present the Com- it...must...work towards the in- sheviks; both were written in 1919; the first is by Lenin, the second by Bolshevik administration in the Uk- Dmitrii Lebed, secretary of the Uk- evitable victory of Russian : ranian Communist Party. Another problem presented itself almost immediately - the civil war. A war launched by the counter-revolu- aided by intemational im- perialism with scant regard for any self-determination. Waging such a war demanded the most ruthless methods for the new without their consequences in the na- tional sphere. As Trotsky pointed out "A harsh military regime cannot but bear heavily on cultural life in general and national culture in par- ticular. Contributing to this was the state to survive. These were from long years of oppression. in a 1923 article for Pravda: principles of or impatience" or ignored due to chauvinism
downgraded or ignored due to tional nihilism often cloaked its Mistakes on the national question raised the possibility of losing the civil war in the Ukraine and a wrenching re-assessment had to be made. Trotsky's statement to the Red Army on the eve of their Ukranian "The Ukraine is the land of the chauvinism or impatience. Such na- offensive against Denikin is resound- SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 28, November 1990 ingly and genuinely internationalist: chauvinism in fine, nationalist phrases. raine before 1919. It found an active Zatonsky recounted how red guards had at times shot people for speaking Ukranian, or professing Ukranian How could such positions arise? They clearly echo Plekhanov, the formative influence on many of the sal conscription, the development of expression in sometimes the most ex- nationality, considering this to be founder of Russian marxism and a "The abolition of serfdom, univer- counter-revolutionary! fact that in particular cases the back- wardness of a Red Army unit, the ill will of certain elements in the Com- munist organisation in such a unit, inadequate efforts of the political commissars concerned gave rise to ignoring and even rough tram- He describes these problems as sage also illustrates a deeper problem within the Bolshevik ranks which ex- isted before the rise of Stalinism. It can best be illustrated by the follow- "isolated and passing" but the upon national Page 14
tion experience of developed "Lenin's posi- and changed through the the Russian revolution." SUPPLEMENT right to rule in the Ukraine, to govern it and to build a new life in it... Keep this firmly in mind: your task is not to conquer the working peasants. They alone have the Ukraine but to liberate it. When Denikin's bands have finally people of the liberated Ukraine will themselves decide on what terms they are to live with Soviet Russia... Long live the free and This position contributed not only to the victory against Denikin but also facilitated the fusion of the Ukranian Bol- sheviks with the Borotbist or- independent Soviet Ukraine!"(5) the smashed, been
ganisation. The Borotbists were the extreme left wing of the Uk- Social Revolutionaries who had moved towards com- munism but favoured a complete- ly independent Ukraine. ranian
Page 15 nationalism "A distinction must neces- sarily be made be- tween the of an oppres- sor nation and that of an oppressed na- tion" surance come from? Did it not come from that same Russian apparatus which... we took over from Tsarism anointed with Soviet International isolation, civil war and famine had prevented the young paratus that was anything more than a bourgeois and Tsarist hotch-potch" Great Russian Soviet state from developing an ap "...the 'freedom to secede from the union' by which we justify our- selves will be a mere scrap of paper, unable to defend the non-Russians chauvinist, in substance a rascal and tyrant, such as the typical Russian nationalities were to suffer in later years at the hands of such rascals and tyrants, Lenin could never have im- Lenin also addressed the question "...an abstract presentation of the question of nationalism in general is made between the nationalism of an oppressor nation and that of an oppressed nation, the nationalism of a big nation and that David King from the onslaught of that really Rus- of no use at all. A distinction must He also modified his previous position which favoured a formal "...internationalism on the part of of how revolutionaries of a small nation."(10) proach nationalism: bureaucract is."(9) Caucusus where the growing in- Ordzhonikidze (right) and Dzerzhinsky: Stalin's men in Georgia and slightly oil?"(8) his "autonomisation" plan proposing When in 1922 Stalin put forward "entry" of the non-Russian republics into the Russian Soviet Federated tion was centred in Georgia. At first and Ordzhonikidze in the face of the Georgians' complaints, proposing at the same time that "entry" should be amended to "Formal union with the RSFSR in the Union of Soviet Republics of Europe and Asia". He "The spirit of this concession is, I hope, clear: we see ourselves as Socialist Republic (RSFSR), opposi- "It is said that a united apparatus equals in law with the Ukranian SSR and the others and enter with them into a new union, a new federa- Lenin was obviously worried and soon afterwards he sent a note to Kamenev declaring, "war to the His final article on the question, and the last of his life, was suppressed bureaucracy. It is a textbook of revolutionary method on the national question. It shows how Lenin's posi- tion developed and changed through He clearly sets the Great Russian chauvinist campaign of Stalin and Dzerzhinsky (who investigated the matter) in the context of the rising the experience of the Russian revolu- was needed. Where did that as- death on Great Russian Chauvinism". Stalin a heavy handed manner. sided with Soviet bureaucracy: explained that: Lenin SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 28, November 1990 became evident. Georgia was formal- authonsed by the Politburo based on information from Stalin, Commissar ly independent from 1918 to 1921 and served as a base for both the Ger- mans and the British. It was invaded by the Red Army in 1921, a move of Nationalities, and Ordzhonikidze, The Red Army was meant to as- sist a Bolshevik uprising, which ac- cording to Stalin and Ordzhonikidze would receive widespread support. The reality was very different and was seen as an act of aggression by tions of the working class. Both Lenin and the Georgian Communists were very concered about the status of the new republic and anxious to respect the rights of the Georgians as a formerly oppressed nationality. dania, whose Menshevik government had been overthrown, and cautioned "I really want you to keep in mind al conditions in Georgia require that much of the peasantry and even sec- Lenin proposed a block with Jor- that both the intemal and internation- Georgian communists do not imple- ment Russian formulas but develop skilfully and flexibly an original tac- tic based on a more conciliatory at- titude towards petty-bourgeois ele- Ordzhonikidze, Stalin's man in the area, paid little attention to these words or the pleas of the Georgian Communists, and continued to act in The nationalities problem' took a more sinister tum in the fluence of the central bureaucracy the Georgian Communists: ments of all sorts"(6) Caucasian front.
who were condemned as a people, as chauvinism was no mere rhetoric, however, and during and after the war peoples whom it considered had tions and deportations. The Crimean Tartars are still campaigning to this day for the right to retur to their homeland in the Ukraine - a demand plementation would mean at least a partial evacuation of the present Since the war the non-Russian nationalities have to varying degrees betrayed the USSR with mass execu- supported, to its credit, by the Uk- rainian Popular Front, since its im- of transforming the local party, state, bureaucratically relying on experts, It fell to the Left Opposition to continue the struggle for a revolution- ary policy on the national question. The Platform of the Left Opposition argued that the key task was not to suppress national awakening, but to direct it along socialist channels. This meant promoting the development of local languages and schools and 'nationalising' the state machinery ('Nationalising' was an official policy tures to use the local language and cification, etc, could not succeed by trade union and co-operative struc- staff). This Ukranianisation, Tur- SUPPLEMENT the oppressors or "great" nations, as they are called (though they are great only in their violence, only great as bullies), must consist not only in the observance of the formal equality of nations but even an inequality of the oppressor nation, the great nation, Trotsky expanded on this theme in his Pravda article, by drawing a "A feeling of national resentment oppressed nations over decades and centuries. And this heritage, as with the oppressed position of women it that must make up for the inequality powerful parallel with women's op has been accumulated in the formerly which obtains in actual practice."(11) "A feeling of resentment national
housing and land. Assimilation was openly advocated by Khrushchev and Congress in 1961. The consequences well documented by the communist ternationalism or Russification?, for which he was jailed and later forced to recant. A similar fate faced others who raised their voices against the It is significant that the largest single faced a policy of cultural and linguis- assimilation, along with dis- crimination in the allocation of jobs, adopted as a goal by the 22nd Party of this policy for the Ukraine were dissident Ivan Dzuba in his book In- cult of the "Soviet nation", a term adopted by the 24th Party Congress. group of political prisoners in the pre- but by relying on the working class countryside, in a struggle against Kulak and chauvinist elements. The economic needs of the non-Russian ces for the national minorities. Whilst it is true that the "regime of the guardhouse" weighed heavily on the proportionately on the non-Russian nationalities, just as it did on Soviet Left Opposition also proposed a spe- bureaucracy bought dire consequen- whole of the USSR, it weighed dis methods, particularly forced collec- cial 15 year plan to address and the lower stratum Imposition of republics.(14) should be said, cannot be disposed of dinary life, in everyday experience, upon her and no contemptuous or condescending attitude is being taken merely be declarations, however sin- cere they may be and even if they are given legislative character. It is neces- sary that a woman should feel, in or- that there are no external restrictions towards her... It is necessary that a small nation should feel that a radical and irreversable change has taken place in the consciousness of the This is much more than an accom- nationalism: it goes to the root of what is really meant by international former 'ruling ' nation."(12) in the formerly centuries... It nation should accumulated decades and nations over is necessary that a small irreversable radical and oppressed feel that a has been
Gorbachev USSR were Ukranians must be analysed in the light of this ments have emerged in the space treme dissatisfaction on the part of socialists respond? The first thing to The present situation in the USSR long and sorry history of national op- pression under Stalinism. It is little wonder that mass nationalist move- provided by Glasnost, expressing ex- these oppressed nations with their na- How then should revolutionary appreciate is that in the oppressed na- democracy, the environment, anti- jailed for the 'crime' of nationalism. tivisation, caused massive devastation and widespread famine, with millions Resistance was met with mass deportations and the elimination of virtually all the local communist ranianisation policies until the late 1920s. They were driven from the ges. The scale of repression in the tion to it; leading Trotsky to call for an independent Soviet Ukraine in a leaderships. In the Ukraine for ex- ample, ex-Borotbists won the leader- ship of the party and carried out Uk- party and most were killed in the pur- Ukraine reflected the scale of opposi- series of articles in the late 1930s. dying in the Ukraine alone. tunism if, on the eve of the debut of working class solidarity. Lenin and Trotsky did not propose separatism, strengthening the union: but only through winning the voluntary agree- ment of the other republics. The ques- perspective of develop ing national, anti-colonial revolutions "It would be unpardonable oppor- the East, just as it is awakening, we peoples, even if only by the slightest crudity or injustice towards our own an intemational, prestige with remained in favour importance, given in the East. As Lenin explained: consciousness taken place in of the former change has nation." "ruling' the
militarism and the economy, have a rights, in Vilnius they are for greater national democracy - the right to decide their own national future. Thus the struggle of the oppressed nations vanced, component of the inevitable struggles around democratic demands revolution. We must be careful to national colouring. In Moscow the demands are for greater democratic must be seen as an important, and ad- that can pave the way for political avoid the idea that the political revolution is something that will be centred in Moscow or Leningrad and SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 28, November 1990 motherland" against the Germans, Anti-religious persecution was also sian nationalities, in an effort to prevent the Churches or Mosques from acting as national unifiers. The USSR extended its borders in 1939 Lithuania, Finland and parts of The Great Russian chauvinism of heights during the Second World War. This war portrayed as a "Great Patriotic War" to defend the "socialist particularly brutal amongst non-Rus- the Soviet bureaucracy reached new occupying Latvia, out. The petty bourgeois outlook of These positions won the day at the 12th Congress of the Communist Party, but the ascendent bureaucracy had little intention of carrying them this social stratum naturally drew it to the culture of the old bourgeoisie and Isarist Bureaucracy. Great Russian Chauvinism rose like a scum on the tide of the Stalinist counter-revolution bureaucracy's social base of ex- Tsarist bureaucrats and professional non-Russian nationalities."(13) Page 16
SUPPLEMENT be fought around purely "class' demands. The revolutionary struggle of the oppressed nationalities against their oppression will be a key com- ponent of any political revolution in The declaration of independence the USSR.
by Lithuania, followed by Latvia and Estonia, has placed their national struggle firmly at the centre of the world stage and demands a response. The key question for socialists must be: have the Stalinist bureaucracy and the present Gorbachev leadership convinced the Latvian,
«We must abstract defending self- worthless, avoid any schemas of determination whilst arguing for the Baltic states to remain within Page 17 the USSR" for independence has even greater potency since it points the finger at including an shown the imperialists themselves self-determination in the USSR than yard'. the capitalist press has been full of warnings to the hasty Balts liance gives revolutionary socialists a clear space to advance a different position - that of a common struggle against the Stalinist bureaucracy and imperialism - through building active pendence. It is only in this way that we can show in practice who the best Events are also clarifying the positions of the Soviet Left, many of tarian and antagonistic to the national movements. The Lithuanian declara- tion of independence has forced them position. This bureaucracy and its local allies, not editorial in Socialist Outlook, have pointed to the illusions of the Baltic fronts that Wester imperialists will defend them. The last months have going out of their way to destroy any ingly clear to the Baltic peoples that the USA is no more concerned with it is in its Central American "back Gorbachev's rule. Such an unholy al- solidarity with the struggle for inde- whom were initially extremely sec- to take a clear stand; either for Gor- bachev and blockade, or for inde pendence. At the 1990 May Day demonstration they overwhelmingly such illusions. It should be increas allies of the Baltic republic are. Trotsky struggled for a revolutionary position on the national question the Armenian people. Many socialists, the real enemy; profound pessimism and a lack of a correct attitude to the question that justifiably preoccupies them - the na- phasised that none of the Popular finalised pro-capitalist programme. ambiguous commitment to such posi- tions that socialists can hope to gain a hearing within the national move- Such a position is not a sop to nationalists, or a 'trick' to get them to recognition of their national rights. We have to show by our actions that the aim of our socialism is not to "abolish' the oppressed nations but to give them the fullest space for their national development. Our failure to champion these demands leaves the field open to fundamentalist, clerical voices are growing louder by the day. Some will argue that to advocate independence is in effect to advocate independent capitalist states, given the nature of the Popular Fronts. clarity on how socialists should sup port national movements. Of course we have something to say on the na- ture of post-independence states; we are for nationalised property relations and the rule of democratic workers' councils (not least because genuine independence under capitalism is a fiction). But we can only win the masses to such a position if we adopt tional question. It should also be em- Fronts that exist have a finished, Only the Azeri front has succumbed to chauvinism, and there the demand positions reveal both pro-bourgeois forces SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 28, November 1990 ion will leave us bypassed by events and completely isolated from z a dialogue with the masses. We must o for these countries. Any other posi riority of Stalinist centralism over Baltic independence? The answer is bureaucratic fight. The Baltic peoples do not want an improved form of union - they want independence! To them self-determination on paper whilst arguing that they should not secede is to do nothing more than bureaucracy for the last 60 years. As Trotsky pointed out when dealing not ideal norms. The Thermidorean reaction in the USSR...must be paid for in genuine currency in all spheres, We must admit to the fact that the national dignity of the oppressed peoples has been fundamentally and systematically trampled upon by the tions accordingly. Of course our task as socialists is not merely to com- ment on or analyse a situation but to To move from the power of the bureaucracy to the power of the elected Soviet - that is our goal. The pressed nations will be the struggle around national rights and self-deter- mination. The revolutionary left, both internationally and within the USSR, tonia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Estonian massed of the supe This must be our point of depar ture, and socialists have to not only support but advocate independence schemas of defending self-determina- states to remain within the USSR on the basis of some common anti- "We must proceed from facts and including that of the Ukranian ques bureaucracy, and develop our posi- develop a strategy to take it forward. key to such developments in the op should actively advocate an inde- pendent soviet Latvia, Lithuania, Es- and Ukraine. It is only through an un- tion whilst arguing for the with the Ukraine in the 1930s:
internationalist rhetoric. Our at- sons we learn from them can help to show that nothing could be further from genuine revolu- intemationalism. nationalism with the following dependent Soviet Ukraine in the "The Kremlin bureaucracy much as there is socialism in our country, you must be happy and give up abortions (or suffer the penalty). To the Ukranian national move- ments in the USSR and the les- Trotsky summarised this inter- analogy when advocating an in- tells the Soviet woman: Inas- titude to the tionary 1930s: SUPPLEMENT shows most clearly how the each other, in this case in a between radical deputies in Moscow and Leningrad and the Front leaderships. A recent netsk adopted a resolution of independent different struggles within the USSR run parallel to each other and exert influence upon positive direction. Important links have been established conference of independent ganisations held in Novkuz.- workers' collectives to break the blockade. The Supreme on workers' movements and or- called for Lithuania and support internationally and within the "The attitude revolutionary USSR, will be whether the decisive in socialists, deciding national both of
they say: Inasmuch as the socialist revolution has solved the national question, it is your duty to be happy in the USSR and to renounce all thoughts of separation (or face the firing the Kremlin police'. To the Ukranian sophistries of the Kremlin police; I What does the revolutionary say to the woman? 'You will decide your- self whether you want a child; I will defend your right to abortion against people he (sic) says: 'Of importance to me is your attitude toward your na- tional destiny and not the "socialist" will support your struggle for inde- Socialists must win nationalists to side of revolution created significant, nationally con- and subsequent industrialisation have scious, working classes in most op pressed nations. This reality has to be revolutionary left which seriously political revolution in the USSR. Our starting point in this must be to learn from and popularise the revolutionary heritage of the Bolsheviks and the addressed by any moderate their demands. Such a move would be disastrous, giving breathing space and new confidence to Stalinist demoralising those who look to the Baltic for a lead. Revolutionary socialists would never give such advice to oppressed nationalities in difficult or minority Fronts should tactically curb organisations in the Baltic Soviets of Moldavia, Georgia and the Russian republic have In this context it is not helpful to suggest that the ing overtures to the Baltic also begun to make encourag- "moderating' republics. current flows revolution." reaction or towards
1. Trotsky, L., "The National Question and the Education of the Party Youth.' in 2. Lenin, V.I., cited by Antonio Mos- coto in International Marxist Review, Vol 3. Lebed, Dmitrii, cited by Roman Rosdolsky in Engels and the Nonhistoric, 7. Lenin, V.I., letter to L.B. Kamenev for Members of the Political Bureau, in Lenin's Fight Against Stalinism, Path pendence with all my might!"(16) Lenin's Fight Against Stalinism. 4. Plekhanov, as (3) Critique Books, 1987 We must guard against ignoring these movements for the bright lights "socialist' anti-bureaucratic fight in revolutionary within the USSR, will be decisive in An immediate international campaign Left Opposition on the question. It is Moscow and Leningrad. The struggle determination will be a key element deciding whether the national current of solidarity with the Baltic states is of the unfolding political revolution. more obviously of the oppressed nationalities for self- flows towards reaction or revolution. needed, through existing solidarity a heritage of which we can be proud. socialists, both interationally positions under imperialism, such as the Palestinians within the Israeli state, the six county Irish republicans or the Kanaks of New Caledonia. Rather we would advocate a strategy deepen the struggle. The same should be true of the national question in the USSR and we should be careful not multi-form, multi-national process of to build solidarity and spread and A defeat for Baltic independence would be a defeat for the whole radicalisation and struggle within the USSR. The Baltic peoples may be numerically small but they have an important influence. This is par- ticularly true of the developing na- to apply a double standard.
8. Lenin, V.L., The question of Nationalities or "Autonomisation', as (7) or in pamphlet form in Last Letters and 14. Trotsky, L., Platform of the Left 15. Trotsky, L., 'Independence of the Ukraine and Sectarian Muddleheads, in Opposition', in Challenge of the Left Op- Writings of Leon Trotsky (1939-40), Path- SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 28, November 1990 position (1926-27), Pathfinder Press Articles, Novostii Press. like me", stands in a long line of deterination for the Baltic states!, ideas. The Mid Glamorgan Labour structures or by creating new ones, 'All Union troops out' and 'Workers' The question also has domestic relevance. The British labour move- Stalinist and Great British chauvinist councillor who recently declared the Welsh language; "a nauseating ir- relevance to an intemational socialist 'socialists' who cloak chauvinism in organisations - break the blockade!' is heavily influenced the demands of: tional movement in the Ukraine, a na- the high level of resistance to it, right significance for the whole USSR. It is inconceivable that a mass national movement will not develop here given the history of repression and through to the dissidents of the 1960s question is of USSR. Seventy years of Stalinist rule have not solved the national question but exacerbated it. In addition the remnants of the early Leninist policy Page 18
commander, General Mikhail Moiseyev, Times did not in any way gued that it should not be through the unilateral ac- gress of the CPSU resolved nothing as far as the direc- and with the CP in such a state of paralysis the only speaking to the New York rule out war; he only ar- tion of the US, but con- At home the 28th Con- tion forward is concerned - '500-day'