Employers turn the screws as ALAN THORNETT weighs up the scene in the current trade union battles
unions fight back The upsurge of trade union struggle which emerged last year is continuing into the new wage round. Ignoring the government's de facto wage control policy, wages are still increasing at around 2 percent above the rate of infla- tion, despite an actual reduction in over- time brought about by the economic squeeze, reflecting the pressure on wages still coming from the base of the trade union movement. The disputed Ford "settlement" at 10.2 per cent, followed by Nissan and others has introduced a double figure "norm" in the private sector, even while the Goverment is still confront- ing the ambulance crews in an attempt to keep the public sector 'going rate" at 6 or 7 per cent. The unpopularity of the Tory govemment as a result of policies such as the poll tax, and its policies on education and the NHS, plus high interest rates, helps en- sure that industrial militancy will continue into 1990. The six-month old am- dispute remains bulance deadlocked with no sign that the Government will cave in and offer concessions. The Tory view is that with the general election is two years away their priority is to hold the line on public sector pay. and the ambulance workers can do what they like. Under these conditions, with no new initiatives from the unions to escalate and widen the fight, a sell-out by the national union officials remains on the cards. The key to the dispute is solidarity action. The TUC action on January 30 was a major with up to a million taking part, sUcCeSs, showing the massive potential which is there to be tapped. It is clear, however, that any fu- ture action has to build on that - which means another official initiative preferably via the TUC. The initiative taken by the London sup- groups, and discussed though the port Solidarity Network, of a lobby of the General Council of the TUC calling for a one day na- tional strike is therefore very important. The Ford strike, which has closed Page 28
FEATURES Halewood, Bridgend and Genk is a major battle which is getting little or no publicity. The offer by Ford management of 10.2 per cent, accepted most of the workforce, still led to a strike of skilled workers, since it eroded the differentials of skilled sections and brought in degrees of flexibility which involve, for example, electricians working on tracks when they don't have electrical work to do. There is now an all-out strike by skilled sections -both electricians and mechanical maintenence. Eric Hammond's EETPU has supported the action which has overwhelming support and would be hard to stop; he also feels safe supporting a fight for skilled differentials, and it is a handy way to increase EETPU credibility in the plants.
A massive scabbing operation has been organised against this strike, led by CP member Jack Adams, national officer of the TGWU. He has written to every individual member of the union at Fords telling them to cross the picket line and keep production going.
The breakaway electricians' union the EPIU, to their great shame, have not only sup ported the deal, but are crossing picket lines with the full support of their leadership, who are arguing that it is right to do so, since the BETPU is outside of the TUC! They are even recruiting members of the EBTPU who are prepared to defy the strike and go into work.
Although these strikes are sectional, they
are legitimate action against harsh management conditions being imposed on the sections concerned, The EPIU have created a situation which they will probably find it difficult to survive - the result will be a strengthening of Hammond in an area where he had lost the majority of his membership.
35/37 hour week campaign
The 35 hour week dispute in the engineering industry rumbles on. In the course of the dispute, the Engineering Employers Federation has terminated national negotiations with the Confederation of Shipbuilding and EnJohn Harris (IFL) gineering Unions (CSEU) - a move which will open the door to the worsening of basic conditions throughout the industry. There has been no challenge to this move, and the unions are now proceeding on the basis of local agreements.
The campaign has not been without success, with several dozen local employers of varying sizes agreeing to various reductions in hours, mostly with strings attached. The near unanimous vote at British Acrospace at Pres ton to reject a deal offering two hours reduction in hours - in return for complete flexibility of working hours and shifts plus the abolition of tea breaks - shows the type of deals which are being offered, and the level of militancy in the industry. Despite this militancy, the Confed leadership - which is in com-
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 22, March 1990
plete control - refuses to significantly extend the action.
Only a tiny proportion of the two million workers previously affected by Confed negotiations have been called upon to take any action at all.
Meanwhile, an employers" offensive is pressing ahead on most fronts. In the car industry, the pressure remains on for flexibility and for participatory techniques such as team leaders.
In the media, the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) faces a massive onslaught. In practically every national newspaper management are forcing in individual contracts, while resistance has been collapsing following bribes and intimidation by management. The same process is taking place in provincial newspapers. One of the major groups -United Newspapers - has told its journalists in six of its papers to sign individual contracts. Here the fightback is stronger, and the NUJ has become embroiled in a series of long-running disputes. The Union as a whole is on the rack: last year it paid out only £30,000 in strike pay: now it is paying almost that much every week. One such long-running strike is at Robert Maxwell's Pergamon Press, where 23 union members have been sacked for supporting an official 24-hour strike. The NUJ is to hold a special conference on fighting derecognition in March.
Behind the employers" offensive is the battery of anti-union laws. The outcome of the industrial struggles last summer was a degree of breakthrough on the wages front, but also the successfull use of the law against the dockers, which put the government in a position to introduce a further package of legisla tion - Unofjicial Action and the Law -designed to tackle the kind of unofficial action, and self organisation, which emerged in the rail unions last summer.
It contains in many ways the most drastic proposals yet, and is essentially an employers' "victimisation charter". Is is aimed against shop stewards and work place reps. The new measures would legally require trade union leaders to take action against unofficial strikers, and disqualifies those sacked for taking part in an unoficial strike from going to a tribunal. This may not seem serious given the lack of powers of the tribunals; but in reality it will encourage employers to victimise militants. It would also become illegal to take any kind of action in support of someone sacked for taking part in an unofficial dispute.
There is not a word from the TUC on these develpments let alone any kind of campaign against them. We have to demand that the TUC campaigns against these laws and we have to challenge the Labour leadership to pledge their repeal by a future Labour Goverment. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 22, March 1990
FEATURES "Grim truth about Morning Star'