The decline of Scottish capital along reactionary and dead-end axions of religions fundamentalism and hlack capitalism, The substantive agenda for black liberation and anti-racism fan end to state oppresson, improved housing, health, education and employment) have been put on ice for the time being.
Linked to this partial retreat is the pernicious rise in the politics of the hierarchies of the oppressed' (where one "uppressed group' artempts to gain a larger share of ever decreasing and meagre services at the expense of another) which in reality is a logical extension of many existing "equal opportunity" programmiesJIM NIBLOCK John Foster and Charter Woolfon, The politics of the UCS work in, Lawrence and Withan, 29.95. FIFIEEN VEARS after the event, it may seem strange to comment that this is a timcly publication. However, the relevance of the book becomes clear as the authors - both expelled members of the British Communist Party — sock to go back to the future by re-establishing the political authenticity of the party line at the time of the work-in:
As such, they polemicise against the new eurocommunist orthodoxy. But it is indeed ironic, and indicative of the crisis of the Cr, that the appearance of this book should coincide with the rwo main leaders of the work-in — Jimmy Reid and Jimmy Airlic - expressing themselves to be opposed to the politics that they stood lor at the rime of DCS, In May of this year, Airlie as leader of the AED in Scotland pressurised the Caterpillar workers into calling off their occupation. occupation, Reid jained Rupert Murdoch's staff at the San in June.
Still, the auchors cannot be blamed for this and both clearly remain unsbakenly
The other danger of
Gliroy s analysis which privileges social movements which are often against the scate' is the question of criteria: Tf historical materialisin and the class struggle as methods of analysis are to be severely restricted in their applicabiliry, as the book scems to suggest, then by what other criteria do we judge the progressive nature.
ur otherwise of autonomous struggles? Even the
"traditional' left, for instance, is uncertain as to what its position should be un state.
funding for religious schools.
Many reactionary, as well as progressive, groups want to committed to the politics of the
"anti-monopoly alliance'.
then, what is interesting and so timely abour the book is not so much its politice but the historical analvsis of the factors which led to the UCS struggle.
The authors trace the crosinn of Scottish capitalism's independence and the consequent decline of its influence at the level of the
British state Scuttish industrial capital was basod on:
the maintenance of empire;
shipbuilding, steel, coal and heavy engineering accounted for forty per cent of the male workforce at the turn of the century as against twenty-five per cent in Beltain as a whole.
The dozen or so families that controlled these sectors
(Colevilles, Lithgows,
Yarrows. Tennanis, Stephens,
Weirs) were based on the
Clyde and, through inter:
marriage, combined holdings in all these spheres. Their grip on the Scortish economy was unchallenged. On a British scale they were able to dominate shipbuilding and i number of heavy engineering sectors. But the disintegration of Britain's imperial rule after the second world war lett these leading sectors of Scottish capital in a particularly vulnerable position.
Although weakened, Heavy engueering remained define their own boundaries of solidarity and identity in thir specific attempts to deconstruct mndemnirv.
Autonomou movements need to be interpreted within the framework of class struggie. So often they promise radical challenge lo. the values of modern capitalist socicty only to collapse back. especially in times of criscs, into the class from which they wriginated.
Gilroy is correet to emphasise tire importance of prospessive autonomous movements ourside the boundaries of corporate structures But for these to structures succeed there is a need to unite their strengts of dominant in Scotland. It used its political influence to light against the introduction of a strip steel mill to service the consumer durahle goods sccior. Bur cventually even the likes of Goleville, who had a monopoly of steel production in Scotland based on shipbuilding plate, was forced to capitulate when faced with company being brought in to set up the strip steel mill. The establishment of Ravenscraig combined with the Roots car plant at Linwood marked an attempt to shift the balance away from heavy industry in practice, heavy industry was in irreparable decline and growth industries did nor emerge to permanently replace j. By 1960 the Tory vote began its inexorable slump. By 1964 the Scottish Nationalist Party (SNI) began ro cmergr as a credibic force
Towards the end of the 1960s, Sir William Tathgow attempted to reasseit the control of heavy industry through Oceanspant A maritime-based development strategy for a european Scodand 1970-2000', Most Scotish Tories accepted this project and in 1969 DouglasHome headed a Conservative Party commission which reported in favour of an
REVIEWS
mobilisation and spontaneity with socialist currents within the labour and trade union movemens locally and nationally. This would provide a stronger foundation on which to build broader working riass alliances to expand the bases uf struggles and reduce the vulnerability which is often associated with the isulacion of auconomy:
While the book is flawed there is moch in it which is challenging for the left. In particular, it ofors a timely critique of many anti-racist? and cqual opportunity initiations and instead will help to develop a coherent and critical strategy lor fighting racisin elected Scottish assembly.
But the lories were inore concerned with entry into the European Economic Community. The Oceanspan project for an integrated steel complex at Huntersion clashed with Fre membership which would sec demand for steel conrract. With their main projecr for industrial revival sacrificed to the capitalist rationalisation of European steci production the Scottish Conservatives exposed their lack of political influence at the level at which it mattered.
Under the stirneus of EFC membership Scottish capital rapidly concentrated and sought refuge by integrating itself ever-more-closely into the British scare The price it paid for this was the severing of its Tocalities which in turn weakened Tory roots in Scotland. The drive towards centralism during the Thatcher period, together with attacks on local government, have called into question the credibility and possibly even the very existence of the Scottish Tories.
A timely (and pricey!) book even if all it does is remind us of whar yesterday's "heroes" bave descended to. The aurhors' political conclusions leave a lot to be desired but their analysis makes this book with the read.