Labour's forward march restarted The results of the election are a major blow for the working class. PHIL HEARSE argues that close analysis of the shifts in voting and of Labour's one million increase reveal what future campaigning priorities should be. Labour must fight for the most oppressed both inside
wing campaign faded to maxinise are ind in some seccions of the lest even very unpopular, to say that it a time or capitalisr trisis millions of standards under Thatcher But the regional pauern of vote makes such a conclusion inescap- able. If the working class votes for the Jogical factors, and nor by material ones as well, then the mouff for the were not convinced that this couki be in their own living standards, Second. as we discuss below, Labour's right- At first sight it seems paradoxical, workers voted Tory because they be- Tories were explicable mercy by iden Lase for increased taxes on employed workers to help the unemploved and boost the health service and other social services. Thus while Kinnork won the high moral ground of com- passion' and generosity to less for- tunate neighhours', which of course won support among many of the mo oppressed, many employed workers Pur into practice without a reduction tax incentives to home owners secured Overall, the Tories won the argu ment on the economy. They managed successfully to portray Labour as a party that would increase taxos and let inflation rip. Labour's own election campaign seerned to be arguing the Thatcher's support in this sector. conne to noreans leved that their living capitalist potential vote. would acule tion of employed workers in areas of vote in sectors of the working class. Thatcher was able to convince a sec- per cent. The important question to answer however is why Thatcher and the Tories were able to limit Labour's advance, and to maintain their own As compared with 1983, Labour won an extra 1½ million votes, with its percentage of the vote going up from just over 27 per cent to around 11 The answer to this in twofold. MOVE - - among the most oppressed sectors of in the south cast, south west and cast ult is very marked. While Labour lost way. While Labour piled up votes the population and the most deprived regions, Tharcher was abile to consol- idate the Tory vote in an important sector of the working class, especially The regional significance of the res: three scats in Lundon (despite an ove- however, has occured in an uneven Anglia:
context that something like 40 per cent twentieth ceniury Thaccher in this election was able to limit Tabnur's inroads by deepening Tories in the arcas of hugh unemploy- ment, and its relative success in the prospervis south would be Ir is worth remembering in tha of the working class have voted Tory throughout the inexplicahle.
Labour's clection campaign wis a divisions inside ile working class — a process which the Labour campaign Culmination of the last four vears in was unable to overcome.
ment. Only one of the originad gang of - David Owen → is still in parliament. The mam architect of the THE ELECTION'S biggest losers are the whose scars were reduced from 26 co 22, with the SDP reduced to • nump of only five seals in parlia SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 2 July/Augur 1947 which Labour and FUC leaders have strikes and mass acton and soon as a tircar Margaret Tharcher bad set out action between clections mo consolidate a material base of support anong the middle class and Labour's Teaders bad no comparable strategy to consistently opposed any working mobilise and organise the most up 10: Thatcherist. rather than the mainstay of resistance. According to new realism, some employed workers; through: conscious challenge Alliance. pressell. four tions (from 33 per cent to 27 per cent been popular among important groups During the last two years. the overall bleak economic antiouk, sume sections of the working class have maintained and even increased their living standards. Income tax reduc- since Thatcher came to power) have of workers. The Tory policy of givuig relative affluence that security and future prosperity lay with the Conser: despite the rise in unemployment and lands, as opposed to only 21 percent of itself bave important political conse- Liverpool and Leicester, and and especially, Scotland. Seventy four per cent of Labour Mrs now come This regional divide will rall increase of one percent in its vote there), the Tories were wiped out in suffered a complete rebuff in Wales Irom consrituencies north of the Mid- quences, which we can discuss below. major cities like Manchester. Going on and on and on... castle. Denis Doran/ Katin= 16
of course, exactly the project of the ruling class in relation to the Labour temains a long way off. However, the dealt such a heavy blow to the Alliance that a destablisation of its strategy to dection comfortably, This pressure is, Party. If this project were to be successlul, then the possibility for the ruling class of ditching the Alliance and retuming to a stable two-party system would be posed. That prospect political polarisation of the clection tactical support to the Alliance when it ron for the ruling class: the Alliance was ar the same time a mechanism for keeping Lubuur out of power and pressuring the Labour Jeadership to move to the right. The similarity of many. Alliance policies to those in Labour's clection manifesto has rec- liance, or rather the SDP component, and was formed in 1982 reflecred its lunc- much comment. Has the Al- mental: The huge media 'bype" ELECIO cived SDP split from Labour, Roy Jenkins, head and will not stand for parliament again. For an alliance which sought to parliament, which had equal television time with the other two main parties, and which procaimed that the time has comc", it is a massive deleat that puts in question their whole political The Alliance were victims of the class pularisation. Before the clection the ruling class cranked up an enor- mous reactionary offensive, and pur its resources into securing a Conservative victory a any cost. Despite the Labour leadership's shift of policy to the right and is attempt to prosent itsell as a nonetbeless no section of ruling class opinion favoured a Tabour govern- ment. The reasons for this are ob- vious: Vital sections of the capitalist was soundly defeated in Glasgow Hill- hold the balance of power in a hung respectable" alrornative goverument; future. Why did this defeat occur?
Labour is still tainted, in the cyes of policy and by the overall impression of especially those involved in finance and banking, Jave been doing well under the Tories: Industrial pro- rience of Bennism, by its anti-nuclear ductivity has increased from its low point in 1981-2, as the rate of exploita- the bourgcoisic, by the recent expe con of the working class lias risen.
the strength of the Labour left. No serious bourgeuis commentator will back a party which purs in quesrion Britain's nuclear deterrent, a central part of British capitalism's foreign po-
17 Time for a solo - but from whom? become a major third party seems THE ISPARITY between the overall million-plus, and the incrcase of only 20 parliamentary scats, reflects the fact that Labour piled up votes in the most deprived areas where it was al- ready strong. Increased majorities in Labour vote of a now fulfilled its purposc? After all, a fused party of thc SDP/Liberals would be organikationally dominated by the Liberals, who are stronger both in parliament and on the ground Would a fusion result simpiv in a return to the position of the Liberals as a small third David Owen nhierved before the the hard left', it would have won the election that Il Labour had ditched unilateralism and thoroughly purged ity, the ruling class wants a stable and offensive, that a substantial part of the the other hand, Labour was able to hundreds of seats there was a swing away Trum the Alliance either to the Tories or Labour, depending on the region and the previous character of proved, however, the thesis that the Tory" or 'left of centre" vote - the thesis employed by pro-coalitinnist ad- vocates of tactical voting. On the contrary, in many places where the tion had there been a straight run-off licy and world status. Most of all, in a period of coonomic and social instabil- Such was the scale of the rearrionary Alliance vote shifted to the Tories. On present itself, successfully, as the only This clection dis- Alliance vote was basically an anti- Alliance vote declined, it went dispro portionately to the Tories. There are real grounds for doubting. therelore, that Labour might have won the elec- There will now be a wide debate about the future of the Alliance. In the Alliance itself, the debate is centering on whether the SDP and the Liberals party. For the ruling class, the debate is more funda- credible alternative government. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 2 July/August 1987 reliable government — means Thatcher'x Tories. should fuse into one the Alliance vote: with the Tories.
incan taking the first step towands the slippery sope of separation? Yes and parallel with the Scottish/English MPs In Glasgow - they ve also been kicked out of Liverpool, Manchester that organised resistance to the Torics The alternative for Labour in Sent- land is to sit it out despite having five Docs establishing an Assembly no: the north/south divide doesn't run barder. Not only are there no Tory and Newcastle, A Scottish Assembly would be likely to gain increasing sup- port from the English labour move- Scotland after Doomsday ment. after the 1983 election, the right-wing opposition to Thatcher as government devastate Those local authorities that took a stand in String and Edinburgh col lapsed as the tee moved right after the Today, however, Labour bas won diately. Inactivity by the Icadership on When smilar positions were put ry Hat it out and made no effective employment and the social services. this election in Scotland on their pro- Icadership of the Scottish Labour Par- mise to establish an Assembly imme- continued miners' strike. policies Had the sp vore increased more substantially, strong pressure would have developed on Labour In the firming the Doomsday predictions as electorate derlared open season on the Labour but three to the sse and rwo to The Tories now have only a rump ol 10 scats in Scotland to event, a certain breathing space exists Jor Labour to press for limited devolu Scotland collapsed dramatically, con- THE TORtES' Tegitimacy in governing The Scottish Tories, who fell like tenpins, mostly to Labour surged ahead: Labour's 50 out of 72 the Alliance.
torate. The powers of this body and its out of every seven MPs. The left in the Party must make sure that, if the leadership goes for this option, they political micide themselves and don t take the rest of us with then. This means quite simply that the loft must become the most consistent ad- vocates of a Scottish parliament that rellects the aspirations of rhe clec- relationship to Westminster are ques lions that must be settled democra- tically in the cause of political struggle. not decided in advance by the Execut- The thousand and onc problems ive of the Scottish Labour Party. The thousand commit finance and fishing These positions that promise would provoke a revolt in the ranks, or a complete loss of credi- bility for labour leading to a resur- The spectre of separation has haunted the Scottish Labour Party ever since the sudden growth of the SNP vote in the 1974. The right wing responded by levering the Party into line behind strictly limited objectives: a Scorish parliament should have its powers curtailed; legislative control should be confined to areas such as local authority gence of mapport for the SNe education, health, how will it use is increased support.to ponded by moving some way towards paign. Centrally placed were demands: for a Scottish Assemly, for dropping the community charge (poll tax), for an end to privatisation theasures in Scotland and for increased funding for problem for Labour is its own success: prutect the Scorrish working class from a real labour movement-led cam- But if the Nationalists have been held at bay (for the time being) the real Meering three days alter the elec- tion, Labour's Scottish executive res tionary concessions from the Tories. Thatcherism?
excuse for fudging and manoeuvre to the only party capable of providing a be aided in their attempts to wriggle elements on the political left, who are *not interested in Scottish devolution, Kinnock and raised by the constitution of a Scortish must nor be used as an track the issue into a Royal Commus Labour fought this campaign as Scottish assembly (Neil Kinnock, Do- mald Dewar, et all and thcy should not out of this commitment by confused oppose campaigning for it, or to side- Dewar must be kept to their word. but British revolution* Assembly sion. the executive's measures of devolution unless the Par-: land's right to its own Parliament and issues, Home rule is meaningless with- out responsibility for policy on the econemy, defence or forcign relations. local finance policies for instance, are only possible as part of an alternative and It is absolutely procluded, however; that the Torics will concede even these ty organises a mass campaign on Scot- such a campaign for self-derermin- ation cannot be limited to secondary Alternative ducation. post-clection meeting were reaffirmed by government come to terms with their An Assembly bill to be presented to parliament after the summer recess will provide the focal point. A mass Green, Satarday 29 Angust, involving trades unions, local anthorities and chairperson of the executive, pledged; *1l a satisfactory response is not guing to be made by the government, the Labour Party will initiate a program- mc of action aimed at taking the the rally is also planned for Glasgow other opposition parties. impossible position. health and education.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 2 JulylAugust 1987 an Assembly and organise a campaign who raise spurious arguments about the abatract unity of the British labour movement, or the need to build an alternative to Labour, or the sovce- cignty of Westminister being sacro- sanct, we in effect the same poople who are prepared to let Thatcher rule the roost unchallenged for the next five They have the legitimacy to demand Those who reject this position, those years when the basis for a real chal- to force the Tories to concede it. Jim Niblock & Tony Southall lenge has emerged in Scotland. cupper Labour's torial of 5 June says 'an Assembly will this is obviousiv so. But it certainly can transform the political situation in position to Thatcher. That's why the Tories will only concede an Assembly Labour-led campaign. Limiting in ad- vance the powers of that Assembly, chances of building effective opposi- When the Glagot Herald in its edi- Scotland and become the focus of op- not transmute base metal into gold" pressure of a tion lo the Tories. cconomic policy. assertion that there are wide forms of people of Scotland's wish for constitu- tional reform and a ruling-our of civil disobedience', no further measures Campbell Christic, sruc General Secretary, went a little farther in his call for la radical campaign of res- istance to Conservative policies im- posed by London'. Tr's also likely that several of the new influx of Scottish Labour Mrs will be more prepared han their predecessors to take a political activity to demonstrate the harder pro-devolution line. were proposed. disobedience!. 18
than the Labour Party (although of their campaign than did Labour. The Alliance had more women candidares fie proposals to boost women's rights — for example they proposed that all public bodies should have 50 per cont press conterences arnund the there of course a lot fewer elected); made speci- women on them within ten ycars; and a belter deal lor women. The spectacle of David Owen proclaiming a beter deal for women may have been less than credible to some of us, but it did expose the lack of campaigning on this issue by die Labour leadership - a falure which undoubrelly cost many The necron campaign waged by campaign waged by the Labour Teadership for decades. Concentrating the Labsier leadership was undoube- edly the slickest and most professio- on TV prescocation and die presid- ential-style build up of Kinnock as a beld one of their morning In thesc arcas ar least the Labour its own taxes and implement its own laws, will become a focus of opposition However, in some of the London cies, the voter turnout was only in the region of 55 per cent, as opposed to a very uniform national rate of around enormous rejection of Thatcherism. wer city consutuencies, like Perk- ham and both Hackney constituen shows that some of the poorest sections of the working class, especially black youth, were disallected with the whole electoral proces and saw the election 75 per cent. This was repeated in itself is an indictment of weaknesses in N lost and gained obscures was able to mobilise *the arithmetic of seats inner-Birmingham constituencies. as irrelevant to their interests. the results' real meaning' C yield cxtra seats, bur the crushing of C- dozens of scats in the north did mot the Tories in northern industrial towns was remarkable: there are now no Tory MPs ar all in Manchester, New- Liverpool arif Lei- cester. The resulte in Liverpool, where crusare had been enormuus, were striking. Militan MP Terry Fields substantially Increared his majority in Broad Green. Pat Wall won Bradford North from the Tories, Eric Heffer, deleated in last year's In the mining areas the Labour creased, and Alan Meale even won in Notting despire his association with Militant elections to the Labour NIC, had a nine per ccot swing in tis favour in taking nearly 67 members ro vorc against Labour. Tn UDM advised substantially Liverpon! Walton, per cent of the vote. candle, Glasgow, anti-Mitant hamshire-based Mansfield: che:
19 Pines Covendish Rala: not to socialis but to American-style point of the celebrated centrated on Kinnock and his family. was the conference speech excommu- credible leader, it owed its inspiration packaged politics. Radical it wasn't. party political broadcast which con- It is not true to say, as did Ken festo was the most radical since 1945'. Tr was Jess radical than that in 1983, or indeed in 1974 when Labour promised a fandamental sbift in power and Jarnilies'. It was a campaign that not only had no anti-capitalist content but also Tailed to convince many workers contrulled from the top, as Scargill's Livingstone, that cho Tahour mani- wealth to working people and their that Labour would increase living standards. In addition the campaign was indemocratic in the way it was revelations about being kept off La- continued on page 22 newcomer on nicating Miliant and the hard lelt. bour platforms demonstrates. Labour's backbenches Bernie Grant, The High' Labour beat the Tories, Overall La- Bour won about 39 per cont of the youth vote as opposed to 36 per cent for the Tories. But here there is a Ineil voted Tory than Labour (42 as YOUTH BETWEEN the ages of 18 and 25 were the only age group in which sexual disparity. While more young opposed to per percent), among young women under 25 the Tabour lead was remarkable — 42 per cenr for Labour Tories, On a sex/age basis, young Labour Icad among the youth of as against only 31 per cent for the womch were the only social category in which Labour beat the Torics. This course reflects both youth unemploy- ment and the fact that the Tory pro- portion of the vote increases the higher you go up in the age range (with a slight decreasc among pensioners). But it seeme unlikely that the sexual disparity simply reflects the addition of the cacegories "youth' and "women'. It scems to reflect a specific radicalisa- only two per cent among men. But tion of young women around a wide women was 4.5 per cent, as opposed to despire this gai, the Labour cam- paign fell down badly in attracting the maximum number of women's votes. In fact, the Alliance made the theme of women's rights more prominent in maximise its potential *Labour's right wing campaign failed to Labour's averall Labour's campaign. range of social issues slight decreasc But in the Midlands the results were morn mixed, and the negative effocts of a ing to Labour, the biggest being in rhe right-wing Labour council were cer- Coventry therr was a substantial sw- constituency of Militant MP Dave Nell- All these results of course represent i working-class swing to Labour in uncas of high unemployment and social deprivation. Bur perhaps the most remarkable results came in Scor- land: Of 72 Scotish Mi's. 50 are now Labour, and only 10 are Tories. In this clection Lie SNP Were not the beneficiarics of the anti-Tory tide, Jos- ing three sears to Labour and gaining two from the Tories. The result of this of course will be a widespread feeling in Scodand that the governmental question in Scotland is likely to come to the fore, and the campaign for a Scottish assembly, with powers to raise Bryan Gould, the rising star SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 2 July/Augur 1987 tainly felt in Birmingham. of Labour's front bench
disparity hetween propserous and non-prosperous areas. DM: The north/south, Labour/Tory political divide is But this clection seems to have deepened this process? north-south though. There is an almost equally sharp divide between urban and industrial areas on the one divide that was already getting worse. It's nor simply KL: General election results have always followed a hand and more rural areas on the other. Labour is What has happened this time is the deepening of a not new. It has been plotted since the carly 1950s. definite goographical pattern — bighlighting the
areas, with some obvious exceptions. And the Tories are Clearly surengthening its bold in the urban and industrial more rural parts of the country. This is true within both north and south so you get divides within the regions as. consolidating their domination of less urban areas and
our of Thatcherism. Fundamentally, what Labour did in SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 2 July/Augusi 1992 implications for Labour's future prospects. general election she has not noticeably strengthened that Lots of reasons. Some segments of the populanion, as we Interestingly, its growth ofsupport in the hearrlands has Winning the workers Britain's changing political geography and Enterprise Board, discusses the issues with De-industrialisation had not hit the West Midlands in what is awlul. Labour's vote amongst skilled workers as among them has been consolidared this time round. Yer been mainly among women who are now voting Labour as much as men. Now that's an achievement However, touched on carlier, think they are doing reasonably well Ir's true that in the end Labour's campaign was mainly collecting taxes to pay for services particularly for chois it is still astonishingly low and still low compared with, against the skilled wörker problem such as in the West services and not the low-paid workers themselves) and! percentage as far as one can tell. So Labour's position Labour's election campoign come across as seeming to say that umemployd. Wasn't thire prodiem in anting the support of who are losing out under Thatcherism. That ought to quite as severe a form then as it has subsequently. So. geography at the Open University and a overall, Labour is left with a situation in which it 1s a Why hasn't Labour been able to re-conguer this lost grownd? position but neither has Labour won it back. That's former director of the Greater London a whole nationally went up by its national avcrage this clection was tu strengthen its traditional bases, party of the have-nots. That's where you come up general election results, carry massive class structure, clearly reflected in the Thatcher gained enormous ground in "79. In this Labour would take money from emplored workers to help abour redistribution. The argument focussed on