Sheffield revisited been particularly singled out as organising the looting. PO is another Trotskyist group with some sort of base, although is on a different scale to the MAS. It polemicised against the MAS for alleged concessions to Menem and Peronism and for freezing it out of the Izquierda Unida. The MAS responded by arguing that it made no concessions (its newspaper did have extensive coverage against the 'illusions' in Menem) and was keen for PO to come into the front.
From outside Argentina and without more evidence it is difficult (and silly) to make categoric statements on who is sectarian or who is making concessions. However it is clear these left, mainly Trotskyist forces already do have a certain base. Given the extent of the crisis and the potential contradictions with Menem's project there is plenty of potential for the development of a left alternative.
Here we can only highlight the difficulties:
a building united front work with Peronist workers in the trade unions without making concessions to Peronism ;
at linking the economic struggles to overall political alternatives such as proposals on the debt or the public sector;
finding ways to take up the question of the military threat of even power itself without falling into adventurism.
Already some military leaders have made noises about keeping things under control or about their future presidential ambitions. The l history of modern Argentina has oscillated between short periods of democracy and general mobilisation for reforms and long periods of military dictatorship drowning such hopes in blood.
Generally in Latin America events (Venezuela) and votes in elections (PT success in Brazil) have indicated a upturn in popular mobilisation and new openings for the left. However it is all very fragile, and it is the responsibility of socialists in Europe to mobilise solidarity with these new struggles. This means in the first place defending the left wing political prisoners arrested under Alfonsin but still being held in Carlos Menem's Argentina.
THI
MILLIN
NOM PAYEIS 51.1 THONTGBEN The third socialist conference in Sheffield on June 17-18 marked a new stage in the development of the opposition to 'new realism' with the launch of the Socialist Movement.
With a full programme of national iniatives including the vital trade union conference in November, a second national conference of Women for Socialism next spring and a national convention on democratic rights, as well as the crucial task of developing its own apparatus, the Socialist Movement will have a busy time ahead. It is vital that the left as a whole understands the importance of building this Movement and the unique role that it can play in developing an opposition and alternative to Kinnock throughout the labour movement.
Such support from the various different groupings on the left should not be seen as in any way counterposed to building our own campaigns and organisations on the one hand, or from the need to have the fullest and frankest discussion about the perspectives and priorities of the Socialist Movement itself. Many of those participating in the Sheffield conference complained of democratic structures, the exclusive character of several of the policy groups and insufficient attention devoted to campaigning priorities as a focus for work on the ground in each area.
The conference was also marked by a sunstantial political involvement from the Morning Star and the Communist Party of Britain, who clearly intend a serious involvement in the Socialist Movement and have considerable influence in the Campaign Group of MP's (with both Jeremy Corbyn and Tony Benn giving substantial endorsements to the Morning Star newspaper). The involvement of such forces could strengthen the hand of the Socialist Move-
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