Sheffield revisited
been particularly singled out as organising the looting. PO is another Trotskyist group with some sort of base, although is on a different scale to the MAS. It polemicised against the MAS for alleged concessions to Menem and Peronism and for freezing it out of the Izquierda Unida. The MAS responded by arguing that it made no concessions (its newspaper did have extensive coverage against the 'illusions' in Menem) and was keen for PO to come into the front.
From outside Argentina and without more evidence it is difficult (and silly) to make categoric statements on who is sectarian or who is making concessions. However it is clear these left, mainly Trotskyist forces already do have a certain base. Given the extent of the crisis and the potential contradictions with Menem's project there is plenty of potential for the development of a left alternative.
Here we can only highlight the difficulties:
a building united front work with Peronist workers in the trade unions without making concessions to Peronism ;
at linking the economic struggles to overall political alternatives such as proposals on the debt or the public sector;
finding ways to take up the question of the military threat of even power itself without falling into adventurism.
Already some military leaders have made noises about keeping things under control or about their future presidential ambitions. The l history of modern Argentina has oscillated between short periods of democracy and general mobilisation for reforms and long periods of military dictatorship drowning such hopes in blood.
Generally in Latin America events (Venezuela) and votes in elections (PT success in Brazil) have indicated a upturn in popular mobilisation and new openings for the left. However it is all very fragile, and it is the responsibility of socialists in Europe to mobilise solidarity with these new struggles. This means in the first place defending the left wing political prisoners arrested under Alfonsin but still being held in Carlos