Heavy on Stalinism, light on answers surprisingly the Fleration of the volume is a woman, not while the vexed issue of the national question and the only in pissing. with no was published at the end of 198H and church leaders Although all Gorbachev's relim programme. sociologists, spoits personalities the twelve nothors do not have a The first Perestrorka Annual Aganbegyan, a close ally of Journalists, economists, artists. :Who's Who of Perestmika", Soviet President Mikhail and contains 12 cesays by The opening chaptel, i unifoum view of events. of them fully support by Professor Abel ROBERT MAXWELL has (Trion. They will be edited Ed Abel Aganbegyan perestroika in the Soviet Reviewed by FINN Perestroika Annual charting the progress of puhlishing yearbooks taken the initiative in (Futura, £9.99. 346 pages) JENSEN pasts trying to hang up thoir guns. and ending up even more violent. I'm not sure it's worth the effort. realising that this is nor possible urban wester with politics this: is the film for you — otherwise Martin Stellman says he thinks not everyone from these parts Lirtle ditties like I'm ducking The director and co-writer, dwelling on men with violent greets each other with quaint the film is an urban westem, So if you fancy seeing an and diving — fucking and and settle down and then Page 30 Sorry!
stop our Struggle will never Shooting V Ш 44. VITT AK/L Review by David Grant Weapon of A film by Oliver Schmitz and Thomas Mogotlane War Mapantsula
deliciously seductive about enjoying the fruits of a There is something
Page 31 question is whether Gorbachev's supporters will he able to control such an audacious manner, in the socialist democracy. But the real we are used to seeing with a new It is wrong to call perestroika power of the ruling bureancracy excellent film which, in the best a "revolution", since it does not The fact that it was filmed in making, is both work of art and the "extensive social struggles" social struggle Certainly not. possible without considerable militant stance invests images traditions of oppositional film and replace it with a pluralist present early moves towards It is obvious that even the rovolution are giving rise to shiversive, dangerous twist. very heart of the beast, adds much to the pleasure of this. Mapantsula (wide boy) of the title checking his wedge. aim to abolish the political extensive social struggle". transformation of socicty *Is any revolutionary content, giving them a that are yet to come? Don't Panic! Its only Thomas Mogotlane as the weapon of war. a revolution' Reality as fiction — the people of Soweto as themselves in Mapantsula. "radical democratic revolution" is probably the staunchest agents of opponents inside the USSR. One of the black working class to the the law and order agencies there mainstream films industry whose of the essays is entitled Friends or Fees? Social forces working executives of the apparatus are Is an influential and dangerous sociologist, openly admits that She writes that even among film, to asserting the centrality Mapanisia states that there is until now, gone unchallenged. the ideology of the stagnation ideclogical viewpoint has, up mafia of organised crime. In order to deleat there forces a struggle away froni the news struggle against apartheid. It period. Conservatives still another way of seeing these for and agamst perestroika. constitule a majority in the liheral, so called balanced, wrests the imagery or tus same pictures, The film's Tatyana L Zaslavskaya, a organisations and the apparatus needed; = Aganbegyun at least has certainly acad Trotsky. World politics, too. sirvive, but offering no analysis through Panic's journey towards stercotype so that even the white twelve contributors mentions the systems will have to leam io live underlie the political systems, or empowers them even in the face defiance, One of the contrades' observes that life in a prison cell policeman/tortures is a charter less cpic manner. Mapantsula is fight waged against Stalinism by rebellion is contrasted to that of is not that much different to hie about being arrested', be shouts into action as a politicised force: Trotsky and the Left Opposition The supporters of perestroika enjoy a profound solidarity that otten the explinaton is reduced The gaols may be full, but they in the 1920s and 1930s, though of the cconomic systems which trade unions. A well structured his politicised cell mates. They are also filled with singing and Mapantsala shares common cult of personity. None of the ground with Pontecorvo's The Their film in a more restrained; or the indiced, it has advantages! At Oliver Schmib. and lead actor arguing vaguely that 'political images of the masses moving a major contribution, through Mogotlane, however, deliver are tread very superlicially. least we don't have to worry understanding. His isclated, of imprisonment and torture. rather than a mob. Director transformation of the petty with some complexity: the thief/central churacter, the use of flash back taker us: in the Soweran township, will have to challenge its lo blaming 'bad leaders" logether if mankind is to marginal and subjective politicisation and tieroic (also co-wriler) Thomas refusal to simplify and Rattle for Algiers. the the class struggle. at a warden. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 Lime petty criminal from Soweto. both challenging and compelling the use the apartheid state maker mouth. Were we really supposed of the latter to contain the power conciousness sermon-like. to an any understanding of the roots of When the resulting product in Mapantsula, shot directly under Still, what can we expect from a The Annual does describe and is the inter relationship between lumpen proletarial, highlighting secretive, subversive labour, pretended to the authorities that definately black. And high time which ends in his incarceration. alert, eyes of the South African Refreshingly, its subject matter remonse to the Brezhnev years. the ever-watchful, although in Fim director prepared to kneel he comes into contact with the open-mouthed, white liberal ? economic stagnation is severe, they were making an ordinary gangster movie. In reality, the However what is lacking is police state. The film makers transformation of Steve Biko (peaceful, what else 17) black and on the descriptive level is nearly as harsh as a Trotskyist stagnation and Stalinism. Too indeed Sch is thereabot into a latterday Christ figure, township comrades and the Our hero is Panic, a small this case seemingly not very wandering through gardens. changes in different areas of the black working class and distinctly liberal taste in the political, social, cultural and Through a circuitous route, film is a critique of, and an conception of nationalities: authors see perestroika an a going back to the Leninist discuss many fundamental The focus here is most Soviet society. All twelve the "period of stagnation". cricism of this period of relating the teachings of Throughour the book the too! Cry Freedom left a before the monarchy? to take seriously the attack, on apartheid. of the former. critique
This means "defencist" There was a typing enor Instead of reading that a number of us fought as Socialists/SWP against "deformist" position in Revolution. We saw a capitalist' theory month's SO (No 12). have read "defencist'. Tony Cliff, it should an opposition for a Fighting 'state in my letter in last of the gains of the agreement on the issue in tackle the block vote: and issues which arise within the labour movement we were left unprepared and person one vote; we are wrong-footed over onc only now beginning to advance of the Labour *Maintain the right to right's initiatives. We developed a view in What is more, on hand - 'Free the Guildford Four' enough to have on all aspects of working traditional working class, support in sections of the there is significant social weight behind the attack power they are let loose on our basic rights. The Conservative Party has stalinist bureaucracies their new portions of ideology also finding pretensions of social been transformed by democracy severely With reactionary punctured, and the these layers, the class interests. about the speefic changes in order lo suggest ways The debates which have hand, examines the past of changing the present. book more than passes Cliff and Gluckstein's Thatcher's active reviewer is unhappy history, on the other this test, even if the What sort of history? been criticised instead for appropriate to the SWP's the review also maises the more serious question of Gluckstein's book in SO practice, it would have being too abstract. But had avoided drawing poltical conclusions review of Cliff and what sort of history I read Jane Kelly's
class took power in 1917, basic contradiction in the capitalist view. Whereas Russian Revolution was the Cliffites do support counter-revolution take when precisely did the a workers' revolution, capitalist" view of the anarchists and others arises: if the working The question then USSR deny that the who hold a 'state IS/SWP's state place, since the we must urgently discuss proposals at all, but I do sectarians will be busily "popular frontism', This "political independence have been less open to misunderstanding if be somewhat. He does of misinterpreting Phil's course emphasise the formulas as incipient had Nesbed them out feel his views would is not how Iread his No doubt some of the workers" representation. thought Whatever it is, it is not "business as usual". nol a fascist mobilisation: but it would be wrong to dimmiss the fascist threat. poverty and disillusion estates, the fascists can As Phil says, this is wastelands of big cily given much food for despairing Grinding indefinitely. On the There is a growing Thatcherite yuppie dispossessed and underciass of the characterise Thatcherism. and the tasks facing those nor are they ically about aRsesment of Thatcher's strong state (SO 11) was about whether the way Today-style defcatism: revolutionary marxists. opened in the last few Phil Hearse's sober a refreshing depaiture progress towards the forward is Marxis issues of SO are not They are ahout the agree that revolutionaries specific suggestions as to Yet, I would argue, most No doubt we could all drift of Kelly's review is that we should not make the Russian Revolution' interests of the working books that have as their Trotsky's History of should produce history class'. But in fact, the histories do in fact do what should be done. is certainly a general of the best Marxist "starting point the
then that 'delencism" was history. The altemative, Russian Revolution was working class power to them as a class) would the key issue, since the bureaucrats, if you see some obvious point in ая Trotsky points out, capitalism - a type of need to take power al refonnist retum from a step forward for the Our argument was Fabianism in reverse which is contrary to would be a gradual the real point must not be What Phil fails to do is democratic liberties, thus defend democratic rights Jost: real steps are being weakening our ahility to movement". Clearly his address the relationship "semi-bonapartism" has programme needs to be confused the issue, but between the fight in programme. Such a laken against our resist the general and the socialist use of the tem away from alliances with socialist left do not seck for democratic rights. in Forcos, but we have also widest possible support the past we have shied dispossessed, then the "left" fascists will, and role in the ruling class. and find a road to the useful supplementary Phil is right on the cannot. If we on the therefore can play a need to develop the non-working class avoided taking always sought to build up elements who have found and increasingly populate riche, enterprise-oriented some on the left to focus The Thatcherites have for their strategy, setting government 'if only the seats on the gravy train in motion the nouveau an active popular base the pivotal jobs in our from the tendency of working class had a decent leadership' on the supposed weakness of her process in a period where just a general history, hut reassert the revolutionary has the concrete effect of directly political, was to history, but its purpose, obliterated its memory. •Class Struggle and the E.P. Thompson's The democracy had almost Making of the English Finally, John Foster's Industrial Revolution' Working Class" is not furthering his own socialist humanist political position. Stalin and social
Socialist Organiser today. SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 "bureaucratic collectivist" question of defencism is international working against imperialism - degenerated workers" state, "state capitalist" whether you call it a a key one to put in That is why the Dave Spencer developed urgently if we Packer's article in SO 10 times' should mark the Let's make 1989 the ycar in which we begin plan to save the world. start of such a procees. workers international seriously lo develop a on "The Transitional are to challenge the Thatcherites. Dave programme for our successes of the Programme - a Keith White, responsibility for fighting taken the lead. Shouldn't the Birmingham Six and rights ourscives, such as campaigns, where Chris Mullin, Robert Kee and we be making a paonty of the Broadwater Fam democratic rights, and abuses of democratic out only criterion for delend every inch of church lcaders have Clearly we must vigorously fight to alliances must be Guildford Four These people represent this profit-socking, ruling in a real sense are part of a mass base of a sort and sector is helping to bulld used to dominate at least education, health, social destruction of the public services, and so on. The a mobilisation - against class supporting cadre. democratic forces who in the public sector. In management levels in the left conservative, manufacturing and service industries, Liberal and social analytical categories used their world view, Marxist deals with the history of class politics in Oldham nineteenth century. But are clearly drawn from. all, the ruling class who Should we find this. suggest not. It is, after albeit "naturally" from the methodology and in the first half of the think it is possible to write neutral history, surprising? I would reinforce, Stalinist and designed to
democratic public opinion Socialist Worker Review) reply is, quite honestly. J between a popular front cdes Elkington, Collier democratic demands or in defence of particular suggest that this whole unite with (bourgeois) analysis is a cover for popular frontism, My don't have much idea and a united front. To think thesc comrades about the distinction and, by inference, Not such a strong state? important element in the repression by the police argument. Thatcher has decisively, prevent the attempted to centralise policing at Wapping stopped by the mass national government control of local and just one part of my strike? And didn't para-military style significantly, even TNT lorries being The deepening disputes (I restrict myself The tuming point - the leaders, they have to deal bureaucratic Icaders. The example of the Seafarers' with the workers and the key role in some central repression has played a only for space reasons, given, even given the oppressed - and their to industrial disputes although many other strike illustrates this. examples could be struggles. State betrayal of the amounted to a qualitative anti-state rhetoric. Third, attempted to incorporate state, despite Thatcher's argument hardly refuted repressive this century outside of wartime (an and the jettisoning of "corporatist' styles of 'strengthening' of the government were the labour bureaucracy. that these powers of the trade union and Second that all this govemment which most extremely large part of John Lister's excited a flurry of critical in Socialist Outlook My article "The Coming Socialist Outlook #12. A replies to critics of his In Depth article ideas, and on top of that there were three critical interest in the pages of article was devoted to rejecting some of its of the Strong State' PHIL HEARSE
They involved mobilising with the bourgeoisie. Did these comrades think that most crass line, finding it with wanting to create a like: and quite right too. Clause 28 and the Alton dreadful popular fronts? rights has nothing to do liberals, clerics and the Worker Review has the anti-abortion bill were the campaigns against coalition government class collaborationist opinion, middle class Predictably Socialist democratic public intervened to overtum the institutions like education power around herself and unprecedented outside of comrades don't even like in a unprecedented way: really challenged by any post-1945 consensus by a few advisers in a way. wartime. None of this is range of industries and intervening ina whole the term 'strong state" and has personalised of my critics. Some as I said before, point at which Seafarers': was when the High Court of solidarity from the rest of the union bureaucracy. But to say that the course effectively capitulated - leadership, and the lack anti-union laws added a sell-out of the leaders - funds and property. Of course we opposed the of this dispute was just sequestrated the NUS that's a joke. The new sell-out by the NUS leader McCluskie determined by the by John Lister saying that Lister's article Getting to much of it, reflecting as if Winston ChurchillI also grips with Thatcherism'. enjoyed such powers!). article, and agreed with building alliances with I thought it was a good and serious critique of what I said was John had every interest in democratic public democratic rights. opinion to defend article - though of course idea of the 'strong state', that we should debate the it failed to actually name the ground mentioned by editorial to rejecting the point I want to make is substance of the article Socialist Outlook. It is impossible to cover all OK, so I started it. T and not definitions or and quoted from my the critics. The main Socialist Worker Review devoted an
"Thatcherism' as a mealy part of the class struggle: even denounced the tem comrades that there was hard to see that the fight left and Marxism Today over the years has been on democratic rights is debate between the far mouthed concession to anything special about rotten Marxism Today weakest points in the Finally, one of the *Thatcherism'. Some the denial by some popular frontism! bourgeois leadership team might have suggested that But no one can deny that Now, there were some hasty formulations in my we have, at least a much repressive state, a more dictatorship or fascism. - and a very right wing centralised, determined stronger state, a more one at that - than has original article which because they think it existed since 1945. implies military bureaucracy. The point is argument holds good for crucial dimension, a key matenally worsened the struggles so long as the chances of winning the The 'betrayals of the dozens and dozens of labour movement is leadership' line of leadership, which dominated by the capitulation and pressure on the hastened their class? To what extent has disagreement I have with problem has been lack of it changed the balance of John seems to be this: to repression been a source class forces? And isn't it Outlook's thinking. But does much of Socialist of Thatcher's victories militant working class leadership rather than against the working true that the main state repression? the nub of the wasn't, because hundreds said that Thatcher's style of words were devoted to Trevor Wongsan's letter Socialist Newsletter and refuting the idea that we government - had been term as any. Clearly it that seemed as good a Bonapartist rule - see political power in the of rule - the extreme concentration and personalisation of had fully-fledged Bonapartism' by
overtur the welfare state, Gamble's excellent recent And its methods, to quote Economy and the Strong has had many successes. post-1945 consensus. It something very special decisive attempt to book, are The Free bourgeoisie. It is a the title of Andrew Thatcherism is mised-coonomy. indeed for the and authoritarian one. But sustained attack, and it is Two final points. First, say, well never mind, we some critics (particularly whistling in the wind to albeit a very repressive bourgeois democracy - state. Britain remains a bourgeois democracy ! the label doesn't leave can still define this as this all amounted to a change in the form of complacency. Civil liberties are under The TUC betrayed the didn't the intervention of a nationally co-ordinated significantly? Wasn't the miners and the Wapping couldn't bocome another printers. Of course. But bureaucratic intentions circumstances get very police force against the operating in different relationship of forces pickets in the miners fact that Orgreave *Saltley Gate' an strike worsen the different results, It goes without raying. leadership, must be to the Britain today. But to say, I hope, that the question need for a class struggle misses out an important Labour and trade union Elkington, "who needs Thatcherites don't just you've got Kinnock?' of leadership, and the as do John and Brian have to deal with the Marxist analysis of Bonapartism when forefront of every SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 dimension. The What in fact did I say? we had Bonapartist rule, let's dump it: the central actually I didn't say that label "semi-Bonapartist", anti-working class laws First that the repressive apparatuses of the state but leave that aside. If comrades object to the had been considerably core of my argument Thatcher, through a For example. Well, strengthened under battery of new
READ SOCIALIST OUTLOOK EVERY MONTH - Telegrams of protest at the abduction of Garcia, and demands that the Mexican number of attacks on PRT premises, and IN MEXICO, the campaign continues to Garcia was a prominent member of the Committees to Defend the Vote, aimed PRI leaders have blamed the police for state retum hlm, alive and unharmed, this attack, and point to the fact that demand the retum of a leader of the Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers' Party José Ramón García Salinas. His disappearance follows a at combatting precisely the kind of election of new Mexican President. disappeared over Two months ago. electoral fraud which secured the (PRT, José Ramón Garcia, who Palacio Nacional Mexico D.F., has been followed by police Antonio Riva Palacio Lopez Gobernador Constitucional URGENT SOLIDARITY NEENFD! Interrogation of PRI activists. Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Presidente Constitucional. Carlos Salinas de Gortiarl. still missing Palacio de Goblerno. Estado de Moralos. should be sent to: Cueravaca, Morelos, Mexico Mexico and to Jose Ramon Garcia and Tuesta has been promptly taken up against them underlines the urgency of The campaign for the release of Blanco with public statements, demonstrations organisations should be sent at once to the Peruvian embassy In Britain and to France. Belglum, Italy and Switzerland, leading figure of the Peruvian Partido The seriousness of the charges raised is currently, along with Luis Tuesta, a including Mexico, Sweden, Spain. Letters, resolutions, petitions and and appeals in many countries, Peruvian President Alan Garcia: telegrams from individuals and Unificado Marlateguista (PUM). Presidente de la Repubblica, mobilising in their support. Palacio de la Gobierno Telephone 01-235-1917 Peruvian Embassy: 52, Sloan Street, Plaza de Armas London SW1 Alan Garcia DEFEND HUGO BLANCO Lima PERU Hugo Blanco -ila and explolled In Peru. He has served os a Two days after his release In 1970, Bianco elected on a revolutionary platform, and the midst of a strike by Pucalpa peasants was adderssing a raily of 10,000 people. Jungle town of Pucalpa, after leading an best-known Trotskyists, Hugo Blanco, who demanding the payment of debts owed he could face serious charges of Inciting and he has subsequently been active In all the major struggles of the oppressed This escalation in the repression came in affordabl rates. 28 peasants have been Blanco came to prominence in the late to them from the state, better prices for killed In clashes with violent police, and being held in Pucalpa prison, and that AN INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN Is under demonstration, and has not been seen farmers, Also arrested was CCP genera secretary Luls Tuesta de la Torre. Police back the lands stolen from them, As a Interior has announced that Blanco is 1960s as the principal organiser of the sentenced to 25 years in prison. While peasant movement, entitled Land or deputy to the Constituent Assembly. communal meal with 200 peasants at Quechus Indians in their fight to take barracks. The Peruvlan Ministry of the became the leader of thousands of Peasant Confederation (CCP) In the 8,000-strong demonstration of small shaved Blanco's head on the spot armed rebellion and carrying arms. Peruvian peasants movement. He there he wrote his account of the way to defend one of the world's the headquarters of the Peruvian their produce and bank loans at occupations of the land he was was kidnapped on February 9 by over 200 imprisoned in the local gun-toting cops while sharing a Blanco was selzed by machine consequence of these armed Peruvian police during a mass before leading him away. since.
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