Cultural revolution in the coalfields Closures as a political reflection of her province of the realistic non-violent militancy" which " encrusts the myths In an article in New Statesman at the very end of the strike (March 8. tack on the Morning Star wing of the Communist Party (CP) and the 'ultra left, claimed Women Against Pir Against Pir Closures, both assumed to he equal converts to 'non-violence', to "muscular militancy" and violence own Eurocommunist ideology. The movement, she argued, was the left as opposed to the 'macho of the hard left. She counterposed the success of Greenham and Women the 'tendency of the left to equate 1985) Bea Campbell, in a vinilent at- policy and nuclear disarmament. SOCIAL/ST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 Closures movement. Five years after sacked by the NCB during the strike, ing better education for working class "The strike has been the quick- est social and political education we could have gone through... Now we have become political animals (Betty Heathfield, This article looks at the political character of the Women Against Pit the heginning of the strike on Tinues fo exist and, although its active membership has diminished, still on behalf of the miners women, for a non-nuclear energy March 6, 1984, this movement con and in support of other causes includ- 1984).
the National Union of Mineworkers Bold recognised the wider impact of cause of the womens' movement that much more militant and informed. Some of our women would cull them- selves feminists, some wouldn't. women only; after all the men have Finally, it would he completely in- possible to envisage the birth and growth of Women Against Pit Closures movement without the ac- tive support of the central leaders of (NUM) executive at a national and regional level. It was women who the women's movemeni on the con- sciousness of miners' wives. 'I's be- we've got organised. Women are Many of our meetings are explicitly their meetings: a working man being on the dole is no dark, but what are the alteratives? For Miller, You Can't Kill the Spirit. ng communities are also aware of the wives, The inferior status of women dangers of mining and of the interests This does not lead them to have a hands do. They take a very practical attitude. "No one in their tight minds would sentence them to a life in the ton, lextiles, catering and clerical work but their primary role is as miners* form a reserve army of labour in col- But women who grow up in mint of miners as part of the working class. romantic notion of the job their hus- nearer a way to touch the Sun'. (J. Glows from this material reality. paid, In many areas miners' SUPP John Smith/IH.
the media image of Scargill and the wrilten material Arthur Scargill in given praise as a leader who was faith- On top of this women themscives were arrested and imprisoned, ex- periencing the class bias of the British legal system at first hand. Anne Scargill's arrest and Brenda by rank and file miners and leaders alike, but tie conversion of the left of thur Scargill's leadership role was also manifest during the strike. In speech after spooch women refuted miners as violent thugs, and in all the took the initiative in 1984, and they had to struggle to be taken seriously union was quick and clear, Evidence of women's support for Ar- ful to his class. call for the nationalisation of coal. In 1926, miners wives were involved in women's organisation to liaise with miners' families. The 1926 Labour Women's Conference supported the ly exclude women. In contrast to ally evolved class understanding'. public rallies, demonstrations as well as organising food parcels and fund- raising activities. The Miners' Federa- tion approached the Labour Party Campbell': Eurocommunist vicw that women have been active agents in the creation of working class history. In ness is part of a long historical tradi- Secondly, while class conscious- tion in mining this does not necessar- feminism cxists outside the "tradition- miners' families. lahour movement. It involved a bitter ment over the future of coal, pits and real political character of the Women Against Pit Closures movement and strike both provide a rich source for The 1984 miners" strike was was the longest all-out atrike by a national union in the history of the British clash between the mining com- munities and the conservative govem- miners jobs, Despite the hardship, the the lessons of the 1984/85 miners" Real reasons for the refuting these defeatist arguments. Women did much more than make tea: their skills helped keep the strike alive.
strike was run than many previous like Ben Campbell, understood both gression of Maggie Thatcher's hoys in blue - and the need for self-defence on It can be seen therefore that fur Greenwood's prison experience. were confined to men. In fact, women became centrally involved in the strike prociscly because it was an ac- tive strike involving the runk and file. and giving working class men and women more control over how the the cause of violence - the macho ag- where she was strip searched while on remand and locked up for 22 cut of 24 hours, make it hard to stick to the view that confrontations with the police strikes had done. Miners* the picket lines, society since the second world war leader of the Labour Party. While it is true that yorking class organisations have rarely fully represented working class women, at high points in the class struggle women have made their presence felt. "Working class" is not Thirdly, miners" wives in 1984 were obviously influenced by the wider changes in a women's role in 1981 Betty Heathfield helped for a Chesterfield Women's Action Group that campaigned in the mining com- 1972 and 1974 women again or- cels. Even before the strike stated in munity for Tony Benn as deputy ganised the distribution of food par- synonymous with 'male'. movement, when the TUC refused to round the TUC did not even begin to standing the political character of the of vilification and the sequestration of The final blow came not from the Tories, but from within the labour port. In a similar way to 1926, the Icaders of the labour movement lett the miners to fight alone: but this time battles with the police, the arrests and sackings, the vicinus media campaign funds; the miners continued to resist tum paper resolutions into active sup Four factors are important in under• Women Against Pit Closures move Political Character of support them. points in the ...at high
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 class struggle politics of the NUM, it tivities of Woman Against Pit Olsoures were linked to women's ac- tive involvement in the strike. The women saw the left in the union and the arrested and imprisoned miners as their allies. They did not see their movement as the carrot to the NUM's stick. Rather than trying to fit the miners' wives experience into a nat- from Women Against Pit Closures being a movement that challenged the developed as a movement inde- pendeat but complementary to it. The public speaking and fundraising ac- ment committed to achieving broad social change. Lorraine Bowler from ment. As Cynthia Cockbur (in the pamphlet Women, trade unions and political parties) explains that a third ofall trade unionists today are women, and this has influenced women's voting hehaviour. Arthe 1987 general election an equal number of men and women voted Labour, and in the 18- group more women voted Lahour than men. The miners" wives saw themseives as part of a much and, in purticular, the increaking invol vement of women in the labour move- wider working class womens' Lional domestic division of labour is. forced upon them. Vic Allen in The Militancy of British Mining argues that miners families are crucial to the tegral to survival given the harsh na- ture of the job and the shift system which dictates the routine of family life. Mining has status within the com- munity but servicing miners has Little status because women's domestic labour, although vital, remains un- ment as it emerged in 1984. First, the structural position of women in mini- ng communities is one where a tradi- organisation of mining as an industry- The servicing mie women play is in- synonymous with 'male'." women have class' is not made their Working presence struggle class Page 14 felt.
VICTORY MINERS TO THE UP THE MINERS AND UP MAGGIE WALES UP - 2 BURN MACGKL AR TIA LIVING FIE •M E COME HOME LUPP un The attempt by Bea Campbell to conflate the Greenham Peace camp with the Women Against Pit Closures row Euro-feminist' (bash the NUM') framework, there are a num- movement is dishonest in the extreme. ber of genuine lessons to he learnt. Greenham
They both involved women in a fight with the Tory government; but one was a traditional civil disobedience protest and the other was part of a trike. As Jean Stead outlines in Never sible to apply the non-violent tactics of the Same Again, it wan really impos the Groenham women to miners pick-
middle movement and led by women and adamant controlled over by class 'do- Against Pit Closures working "Women were that this would be class not taken Page 15 gooders'... when they were home they were too defending at school what their tathers malerial change in the social and economic role of women and men in the strike. The rising of funds, the strike centres and food halls were all Women's TUC explained that at first women had been taunted by miners to standing betwen men and women. ...The women's activity is a means of houseproud, shared a hoover and leaned to know their children much better. As Pauline explained: I also found that Dad could look after the one had suggested that to me before the strike Iwouldhave been quite burt. _In fact I realised it was good for -Many men said they hadn'known their childron before the strike, that they were always at work and then tired to bother, Suddenly all these men bad a lot to do with their kide. "(L Beaton, Shifting Horizont) She gues cut to explain how the children in Blid- worth also identified with the strike "strike centre kids" and becoming politically invilved by The new relationship betwoon women and men was hased on a long hattle was a very sharp change in domestic division of labour began to change, particularly in households where women were very active. Betty Heathfield, speuking at the 1984 go back to the kitchen sink. But now it has created a fantastic under- awakening and uniting the whole In Blidworth Alan Radford and Pip Humher, hushands of Pauline and Dorech, cally tonk their domestic labour seriously. They became them. good for Alan and good for me. ing communities during that year- material reality. With the shift sytem nit of operation, and with women ac- tively involved in picketing: the kids as well as mum could. If sonie labour movemcat at tbe grassroots". being called the had done: agenda but the struggle that helped tor *resses that the cultural ro volulion in working class and the active mie of soup kitchensin 1926. Thisimplied no. ankc will he assessed, contrary to i Thatcher's Britain, showing the a women's role came from outsade tie coalfields. from the solidanty ac- tvrus. Again this underestimates the political consciousness of the whole working class women within those perienced in the carly 1970%, hut it combined with a much deeper class consciousness and realisation of what this particular Tory govemment was Closures adamant that this movement middle class "Jo-gooders' as some women fcit had happened with the Hostilly to support from nutride the mining communities but simply an un- derstanding that miners' wives were Inmany senses the 1984/85 miners" Camphell's Lurospeak, not as the struggle that wiped socialism off the preserve socialism as a living reality working class in struggle an progret standing of different forms ne oppres- sion Hea Campbell ngain arrogantly What actually happened in the nun- providing food, public speaking and pickebing produced a new political sclf-confidence among many women who had not previously enjoyed the opportunity to display tiese skills and talents. The collective support women rored the process of consciousness- raising that other women had ex- It was this growing self-confidence that made Women Against Pit would be controlled and led by work- ing class women and not taken over by sive and sophisticated in its under gave cuch other in this situation mir- NE best placed to lead the souggle. domestic roles Socialism and SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 case, "Some women find the Lahour: sentatives to the stecring commitlee and the regular national conferences practical, geared to winning the strike and concerned with issues and arcan that women felt confident about The need to get involved in fund-rising. bases, a non-nuclear coergy policy. ham type lactics. But eventually the nuclear fight and the case for coal rather than nuclepr power as the main Women Against Pit Closures was not a highly structured movement and it was influenced by broad feminist Heathficid explained why this was the Party very off putting It's organised from the top. Women from the mining communities didn't want hierarchy. Woren ue often terrified of the ides of delegates, protocol. They don't know why it's necessary. They were politicised during the dispute hut they thrughout the strike, Meetings were police wore far lens restrained in their handling of pickets than they were of deliberately getting arrested or turning But this did not prevent miners and movement giving political support to the aims of the Greenhan women - the removal of nuclear weapons and and unilateral disarmament. Neither did it mean that they rcfused to visit the camp and show solidarity with the Greenham struggle. Jean Stead recalls that it was rather some of the Green- ham women who had difficulty with supporting the NUM at first because of their lack of commitment to Green- active solidarity shown for the anti- source of a progressive energy policy principles of self-organisation. Betty they didn't want meeting procedures. Local groups could send repre- et Lines. On the few occasions when miners and their wives did try this, as for example at Port Talbot, these demonstrations ended in disaster. The Greenbam women. Miners and their wives were in general opposed to the Women Against Pit Closures Democracy of WAPC are not into political activism. won the women over. the other check.
class women to gain access to educa- Women Against Pit Closures continues to exist and requires con- tinued support for its battle to win jus- tice for the miners imprisoned and sacked by the NCB. This movement cause it failed to win associate mem bership from the NUM, and has no permanent source of funds, The left in the NUM should not give up the fight for the women's movement to have The arguments made in defence of coal during the strike still stand: that the NCB produces the lowest cost deep mined coal in Burope; that it recieves the lowest subsidies in com- parison to other European mines: that needs financial backing precincly be- the status it deserves. which has failed to leam from the women's movement's successes'. It must have been obvious to all that the Scargill: backed by women's support groups. PPLE Wayne fields during that year. Having estab- This new relationship was based on crucial to community survival. The cause her private skills as housewife, carer, budget-keeper, manager be- came publicly valued by the com- munity at large. I was this that created tribution to the strike women moved role and gained a wider understanding miners' case and that of other groups a struggle which the women led he- cause they were conscious that a change of attitude was necessary if miner's wife came into her own be- the "cultural revolation" in the coal- lished the social character of their con- quickly into a more general political of the relationship between the within the working class. private skills "The miner's housewife, manager publicly keeper, became budget carer, wife's as
Icast that Combined Heat and Power ment made a political decision lo cul funding to the coal industry to make it industry to make it another Thatelier nuclear power, gas and oil are all more These arguments have been supple- mented since the strike by others, not Stations provide the most efficient heating systems because they convert heat that is normally wasted in power station cooling towers into hot water for central healing systems and that this would increase coal production by 20 million tonnes, and that, with new lechnology, coal can be used as a direct source of energy. Tie govern- seem as if the NCB was not viahle. Now it will try to fam it out to private expensive forms of energy than coal when they defended a Page 3 pin-up of the Labour Party Women's Action proposals coming from the Black Sec- Scargill leadership of the NUM had moved a long way from the times in the pages of the Yorkshire Miner. and that the Women Against Pit Cinsures Movement had a real impact on this layer of the NUM exccutive. AL the 1984 Labour Party conference, the NUM spoke in favour of the demands Without the strike, and above all the politics of class struggle which Bea Campbell abhors, there would never ness in mining communities. The NUM would never have been moved Committee and voted for the have been this change in conscious- and the belief that they had the power to change the world around them was sciousness around these issues. To have always shown a strong sense of the men were to take on childeare and domestic labour, and thus enable women to participate in the strike. The miners did not automatically come to this understanding and many women still shouldered the burden of domes- standing of what they were up against central to the devclopment of con- walk into a strike centre during the high points of the strike was to see a glimpse of socialism. Mining areas community, but the openness to new ideas was a product of a stronger socialist consciousness developing in tic tasks. But a shared political under- valued..."
proved once again that working class women will play a leading rule in the The Women for Socialism movement The gains of the strike are not con fined to the mining communitics Socialist feminists have gained a new inspiration from the ex- wives, whw lave struggle for socialism and feminism. developing out of Chesterfield is par- The 1984/85 miners' strike showed Thatcher that working class people are aware of their class interests and are capable of marshalling compelling ar- guments against the entire monetarist philosophy of her government, a tially a product of thai experience. ample of miners' £106,5 million a week on oil imports, burning 600,000 tonnes of oil a weck, To win this strike the Tories spent 1987 there were only 114.974. Seven even to debate associațe membership. status for miner's wives. And the strike would never have got off the cepted the 'advice" of Bea Campbell to keep power stations running. In 1985 there were 172,363 miners: by miners had been killed during the strike, four of them on picket lines. 200 miners had been imprisoned und 11,000 miners and their wives had heen arrested. The defeat was a ground if the NUM Ieaders had ac- to have a ballot in April 1984. Lasting gains Closures to affiliate to the NUM. As promoted by the Tosy government, a the Lubour leaders, The communities role in this resistance, rank and file conference narrowly defealed the proposal to allow Women Against Pit miners went hack to work, old mutines again became established and women direct opposition to the value system value systent constantly deferred to by cause women played such a central miners inevitably adopted a more Unfortunately the July 1985 NUM under seige produced their own ideol- ogy to sustain their resistance. Attitude to NUM progressive attitude to women. "Socialist
ing class living standards begin to decline across the board Socialists have a responsibility to continue lo Tahour leudership as centrally respon- sible for this defeat for failing to mobilise the test of the class behind the miners and their wives who put up the most magnificent fight. Five years after the strike began, miners and SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 to fail as inflation rales rise and work- point the finger of blame at the mis. named democratic left and the philosophy which is now being miners" wives, we salute you! Shiresbrook to encourage working women made will not be totally lost draw on this example to strengthen Women's Centres at Castleford and munities, for the labour movementand But even out of a defeat the work- guins and leam lessons. The political struggles of mining communities will catastrophe for the mining com ing class movement can still make breakthrough that working class because the strike was lost. Future Miners wives have established for the socialist movement in Britain. their fight against the employers. rewarding the women's movement for This exposes the hollowness of Bea were no longer able to play the same role. Bur it was the traditional male hard left around Arthur Scargill that fought hardest for Women Against Pit ship status. By this time some of the Eurocommunist had drawn a negative balance sheet of the strike and were willing to compromise even on the contribution it had made to the Campbell's claim that it is the "democratic left' which champions the cause of women and the hard left Closures to have associate member- example of inspiration feminists gained a from the wives... miners' Page 16 have new
The War Paper for Women VOTES FOR WOMEN N. U.R.I SION OF RAILWATIEY PRUAT, JULE 1, 10L8 WE THE DATE Suffragette paper welcomes NUR = catering section (Travellers Farc) has negotiating rights. Yer the pay and the industry and the union refises to tackle this very problem which Lies at the heart of the high tumover of staff and hence the constant problem of non-members. The pay deal last year, resulted in some employees being worse off. The complete lack of a fight against privatisation of Travellers less physical work to do than a car- The NUR has started to look at the has been forced to do this because the been privatised and unless member- ship is maintained the union will lose conditions are probably the worst in just before the management buy-out, Fare, which has also led to the worsen- recruitment of women members BRAVO, decision to admit women. NATIONAL 1771T. POD TIL. Thirt Bei riage cleaner. P PLEME but, not surprisingly, mainly in the 'traditional' jobs of cleaning and catering. Change is coming, but slowly, The National Union of Railwaymen: the name itself speaks volumes. Women have very little place on the workforce of the union. Women do work on the railways WOMEN IN THE NUR shillings a week war bonus payments as productive as men's. Presumably. there are so fow women in the union. One is the prevalence of a traditional dustry should be done by men. In 1983 there were 56 female guards and six drivers. Signalwomen are few and far ful of women on the Permancot Way tions. The vast majority of women are in cleaning and catering; and since the ending of the closed shop agreement these are the least organised and have Yet the jobs women do involve longs hours, shift and night work and very often heavy, dirty work. Today, a signalman in a power box has much sary not only to recruit women but to Women, in fact, received only 3 while the men received 5 shillings women in signal boxes only pulled into the union during the First World though membership of the NUR is ture. The left argued that it was neces. demand cqual pay for cqual work in order to protect men's jobs at the end since the employers argued that women's labour was only three-fifths But despite women's entrance into the 'mainstream" of the industry and War, women are still a minority in now at an all-time low, duc to massive rationalisation and redundancies, fewer than 6,500, out of a membership There are two main reasons why view that the majority of jobs in the in- between and there are less than a hand- and in Signal and Telecommunica- every sense of the word in 1989. AL a very heavy tumover of staff. three-filths of the levers! S UP P of 125,000, are women. = reports TONI MATTHEWS. Labour Party. The massive influx of women worked in the industry, mostly in clerical jobs. Unions ment on the grounds that it was It was the employers who broke this "pact at the start of the war and began to employ women as porters, ticket cleaners and signalwomen. By the end of the war 55.000 women had been Up to this time women in the int where they raised funds for orphans and its other welfare services. It was the Guild which was instrumental in estahlishing Women's Sections in the women into the workforce caused a big divide in the union. The right wing was opposed to women becoming members, insisting that women's The NUR was born in 1913 from a merger of three of the main unions of railway workers. The oldest and largest of these unions was the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, formed in 1872. Women were not allowed to join the union until 1915. It was, of course women's recruitment into the railways during the First World War that forced this issue. Before the war under 5,000 and management collaborated to keep women out of the mainstream of railway employ- collectors, carriage and wagon "organised" in the Ruil- way Women's Guild of the NUR employment was of a temporary na- 'unsuitable". dustry wer recruited.
of 125,000, 6,500, out of "In 1989, membership fewer than Page 17 are women. cynicism that staff have towards the slowly. however, bocause in the last decade have met informally at District Coun cils and grades conferences. Resolu- tions on all issues affecting women have started to appear on the agenda of the union's conferences and the union as a whole has been forced to debate matemity leave provisions. abortion, and the right for women to ing of conditions, reinforced the women have started to organise. They be organised as women in the union. is coming Change unIon. A bevy of Lady Helpers" at a 1924 branch event, SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 according to the NUR's history book.
Ш E LE would dampen down the lishment of the Women's E members want to get out. c members. But although in y its infancy, the committee a It is a long up-hill strug gle. A National Women's Advisory Committee has comprised of one delegate responded to date, and far finally been estahlished, Thirteen out of the 26 Dis- fewer have established Committeer The union bureaucracy scemed to think that the estab- Advisory Committee protests Irom women local Women's Advisory from each District Council. Councils have c trict officers, and secretaries" Committee, no full time "There are no women only a few Executive National women branch on the
tive Committee, no fill time officers, As attacks come fast and furinus the union. But the union has very lit tle to offer them. It is stuck in its old traditionalist way of operating. There secretaries. Women can see that the from the employers in the lead up to leave, abortion rights and so on could member will continue to fight for rights that many other unions take for granted. There in a long way to go as are no women on the National Execu and only a few women branch union doe« very little to further the in- Transport and British Rail, matemity well be seen as a luxury, Women can be shown by this linle item which recently appeared in the 75th An- niversary edition of the NUR's "Occasinnally the NUR is acoused of being behind the times even sexist becaure of the inclusion in its title of Railwaymen, There is a strughtfor- *When the lime came to decide on a title for the new Union, the leaders of the merging orgamsition decided the nestitle wluch was included in the ritle of thie existing rail unions. Thes was dune to avoid any suspicion that "A suggestion wat made that the "Finding a title acceptable to all parties and safeguarding the merger new umon should be called the'Na- This was rejected because one of the unions involved in the merger wastic was scon is mire important al the time, than incurring the wrath of the few hundred women then in member- SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 tional Union of Railway Workers". NUR leader Jimmy Knapp casts votes for women members - but none are Geneml Railway Workers Union. one union was absorbing others. terests of women at work, ward explanation for this they would avoid using Transport Revew privatisation Other than managers and en- Bur most women cannot afford to ing up these proposals, Yet here was gineers, this scheme would only apply to drivers, and then only if BR decided take three years off withour pay. The NUR played virtually no part in draw- an opportunity for the union to fight for something concrete for women. There are a number of options that could and should be taken up: child care facilities both at work and at home (the employeroffsetting the cont of child-munding), Joh sharing and sidered. Herein lies a problenn British time jobs with pat-time workers. The But unless the union begins to take on board the needs of members who have responsibily for child care (or otber part-time working should also be con- Rail is anxious tor replace some full- uns is, quile nghtly. opposed to this. dependants) ten women will take these jobs. The NUR must start angu- ing forall kindsolflexible working ar- "normal bours - what is knowm as a domestic turn in the industry) to enable women to play a full role in the Womeo in the NUR Incc the osup! comments thal they play little role in that there was a shortage in this area. rangements (including working WORLO UNITE N•UR NORKERS on the TUC delegation. waymen must be the only major union feit abortion was an issue that should he left to 'individual conscience' and dored this position. British Rat at the beginning of the 1980's was forced to the NUR has barely paid lip scrvice to Conditions at work, bad for most of are responsibic for child care. Toilet torian - dirty and unhygienic when The National Union of Rail that rofused to oppose the Alton Bill. The National Executive Committee the 1988 Annual General Mocting en- Take equal opportunities policies on board after an investigation by the Equal Opportunitier Commission. Yet the pathetic attemptsof BR toacknow ledge that women should be roanuited the staff, are appalling if you're femnle and especially if you are pregnant or facilities are very often literally Vic they exist. Lack of toilets is one of the reascins why women are not recited to do permanent way work. Sanitary towels, etc are only just appeanng in some places: other places are lucky if they see soap, clean towels and lot women doing men's work" get what British Rail has recently intruduced water, Urinary infections among women are not uncommon. Sexual harassment is hardly acknowledgod; a retum to work' scheme offering staff (men and women) the oppor- tunity to take off a maximum of three years for child care purposes. The scheme will only apply lo those remain valuable to BR or in a job pertise which BR considers it would he difficult to replace without a long employees with a skill. or occupa tional qualification. which will which requires a level of skill and ex- meet and organise women. The leadership is doing its best to make the Commit- tee nothing but a talking in all jobs in the industry. period of training shop: for granted." will continue many other unions take to fight for rights that members "Women Page 18 NUR
M E CHS NFIRMIE IATRIQUE SUP
committee. The following extracts from her article (in the French marxist journal In late 1988, France was shaken by a series of massive public sector strikes. To the fore were health workers, and among them nurses took the lead. ANNE MARIE GRANGER interviewed a number of nurses who had been active in the strike (which won many of its demands) including members of the strikers' national co-ordinating Cahiers du Feminism) show how they felt about their public 'image' - as women and nurses - and how they started to fight it.
other for financial Page 19 people, we also work reasons - "We are like to live... nicians, the hetter to express their "skills') the joh of nursing is only an extension of the matemal function of by male nurves in a letter to Le Mondo (25 October 1988). 'I's a woman's pathetic understanding are essential"; 'women have more dexterity": or again 'a sick person is in a dependent situation, he expects a certain amount of mothering. Male nurses are there lo gentlemen (who are in general tech- lo he on the same level as other Irene, for he part, talked about the That's without doubr because we are women nurses. We inherit two women and being All the traditional banalities about typical women's jobs reach their cal example was the ideas expressed profession because qualities of sym- In short, according to these idea that we are not real workers. apex when it comes to nursing. A typi cable them to get past that stage." malaise in the profession. problems: being aura of being saints', We want our job jobs which involve training. We want Taved, we would have to give all our That is just what the nurses don t tions like 'calling" and "vocation' that help suffering people they insist on the title "vocation': they say to us your reward is to save lives. Well, we agree, hut saving lives doesn't give us anything to eat! Using the excuse that we do a 'social job, pay is considered *E's truc that we do the job with the sary to be realistic. We are like other reasons - to live. We don't want the to he considered as important as other want any more. Stuff "vocation" and "dedication", we are nurses!" said the "I's in the name of these ahstrac- nurses are always exploited and under-naid says Nadia. Because we aim of helping people, but it's neces people, we also work for financial time to it - not work to set hours. badge of the strike coordination. Workers like any others... SOCIALIST OUTLOOK no 12 February 1989 In maküng that demand, the nurses religious orders, and practised their Valerie. "At training school", she said 'they prepared as for this appruach of - repeating endlessly that knowledge we have to have... talked on TV about 'under- qualified jobs and put us on the same level as prison officers - throat! We're not just patient minders': our qualifications are challenging the whole social image of their job. "The whole image of the devoted nurse, always ready to sacrifice, that's un image inherited from the past when nurses were from occupation as a 'calling' ' replied hecause we had an occupation we think of putting on bandages or washing patients. They forget our three years study, and the When (prime minister) Rocard well that really stuck in my 'We want recognition' Nadia maintains. When they say "nurses' people immediately should be recognised.? " sactifice
----- pull-quotes on this page ----- French nurses, sick of seeming 'sweet and devoted', walked out in their thousands. '