As Polish bureaucrats battle Solidarnosc Will Jaruzelski go w for a show-trial? Prevention of Terrorism Act
THE Polish regime is continuing with its 'stick and carrot" methods of attacking the working class. The "carrot" of the amnesty for Solidarnosc activists last year has been shousesale earrests tate move The wholesale re-arrests have begun. latest figure as di go to press leaders rearrested, including leaders Solidarnosc.
The Jaruzelski regime is carrying through these measures as a response to the sustained level of oppositión to its planned price rises — which in turn flow out of the ruling bureaucracy's chronic inability to plan or develop the Polish economy.
The conditions facing Polish workers have got so bad that the price increases any no he ad a dis a go hom driving the working class to desperation.
This in turn has created conditions where Solidarnosc made its first appeal tor action — a 15-minute strike on February 28 — since the amnesty.
The police response was immediate and leavy-handed. They raided a strike planning meeting on February 13, and arrested 7 top leaders of Solidarnosc, including used to harass Irish Community OVER the New Year the Special branch launched a major attack on the Irish community, using the Prevention of Terrorism Act to detain half a dozen people apparently selected because of their peaceful activity in support of a British withdrawal from Ireland.
All were held under the PTA for up to a week before being charged with conspiracy to cuase explosions: to date no substantive charge has been made against any of the accused. They were then awarded category A status and held on remand.
Among those arrested was Maire • Shea, a 65 year-old psychiatrist and ASTMS member, who is active in the Irish in Britain Representation Group and the Associated Staffs for a United Ireland. pressure group within ASTMS. As well as being elderly, Maire
Wladyslaw Frasyninch, Bogdan Lis and Adam Michnik. These men are still detained, and with a growing swell of propagan-
alleging Solidarnosc "links with CIA", it seems possible that a show-trial is being prepared
But even while taking these steps to repress Solidarnosc and any independent working class action, the regime recognised that the strike call would win widespread support. To head off this new challenge, they decided to spread the price rises over a longer period avoiding a concentration of price rises it March: instead they will be implementec bYn a further attempt to undermine Solidarnosc, the bureaucracy resorted to the device of wheeling out the "official" stooge union leaders on February 23, to declare their "opposition" to the price rises a week before implementation (and five days before the strike call!). The subsequent announcement of the phased introduction of the price rises was then timed to appear as a concession to these tame "unions"
It was then that Lech Walesa, who had not been arrested, decided to call off the suffers from arthritis, an ulcerated leg and a number of other ailments.
Within hours of her arrest ASUl sup. porters in Liverpool had mounted a vigil outside the Bridewell Prison where she was being held, and a phone-in campaign had been organised to en quire after her welfare. ASUI supporters met shortly after and planned a cmapign of support for Maire within the union. The union leadership was lobbied, as a result of which Doug Hoyle. he union's vice-president, took up the case with the Home Office. The issue was also taken into the union structure and to date 6 of the 16 Divisional Councils have expressed support for Maire. at least to a degree.
The authorities evidently decided they were pushing their luck a bit on this occasion as a campaign on behalf of the prisoners began to take off in the Irish community and in the labour movement. Early in February, Maire was released on bail (though on f40,000 Socialist Viewpoint, No. 4, March 1985. Page 9
Not arrested: Walesa strike for February 28.
These events took place in the aftermath of the well-publicised trial of the secret policemen who murdered Solidarnosc sympathiser Jerzy Popieluszko. The trial itself was a cover-up designed to protect the senior figures who gave the orders. But it could not help but unmask the real attitudes of these police thugs, and the scope of secret police activities. In doing so it clearly confirmed the extent to which the Jaruzelski regime still recognises itself to be fighting a daily battle to crush Solidarnosc as the voice of the Polish working class.
The reality is that despite the repression since December 1981, the regime knows it still has not defeated the Polish workers They must use desperate measures to stamp out any spark of political independence. Hence the new repression of Solidarnoso leaders. surities) and a number of the others were taken off category A status. However, they are reported to be in poor health and the campaign for their release in continuing.
Likewise the cmapaign in ASTMS on behalf Maire O'Shea continues. Predictably, most opposition to her has come from the union hierarchy who first tried to hide behind the sub judice procedures. When this cover was blown, they then argued that no union funds could be spent in her support. This is a very doubtful position and an appeal fund will be launched for Maire to cover her trial expenses which will be enormous. In addition, a campaign against the PTA will be taken up in the union as well as the general agitation in support of British withdrawal.
Unpleasant though it is that it should happen in this fashion, the arrest of Maire O'Shea has given a boost to Irish work in ASTMS.
COUNCIL WORKERS MUST TAKE ACTION TO FIGHT CUTS!
By JENNY FISHER WHEN the Tories chose March 1985 to confront local councils over ratecapping, little did they think the run up to the confrontation would be a miners' strike. The strike has cost the government more than twice the cost of the Falklands war: the economy is stretched to the limit, and the Tories need to keep down local authority, even more urgent now. But also courage and determination of the miners, their families, and the groups of women in the mining communities are an example for all working class communities to fight the Tory attack they now face.
Since they came to power in 1979 the Tories have been waiting for a chance to take on the NUM, recognising that if they could smash the strength of the NUM, they would weaken the whole trade movement. Labour Councils are on the same Tory hit-list.
The Tories have cut public expenditure where they have direct control. hasn't been cut from the NHS is being privatised; spending on education has plummeted: the only exceptions are the military forces and the police, who have to be preserved to kick the hell out of any resistance that breaks out!
But local authority spending, despite cuts, targets and financial penalties, overshot by £2 billion last year: no way can Tory economic policy let that continue. To cut that back, they have to override local democracy. No longer can local Councils
- elected as democratically as central government - decide money. If any item of expenditure is not
sanctioned by central government, Council won't be allowed to Either the Council doesn't force the issue, by accepting a cuts budget in line with government targets. OI, if the won't make the cuts (which could mean halving the workforce, cheertully ignoring slabs of concrete falling off tower blocks, and spreading road resurtacing programmes over 700 years): then they
have no alternative but to fight. They won't get central funding; they can't raise rates; and they can't borrow more than the permitted amount on the open market.
There is a stark choice for Councillors: accept the Tories' politics, and you decide that you will surrender your power as an elected Councillor to them without con-
sulting those who elected you on your programme, not the Tories'; and yourself with the role of operating economic policy. The alternative is to defy the government, and to fight. And that
Ratecapping threat to 300,000 jobs twelve-month spending is the union What how to spend make it. Council means at the end of they cessful fight. content Tory clear. "Better, is of Labour shield
has been runs out cil workforce. the labour who them to do this Manoeumes or clever sums may delay a breaking crease. decision; but the same choice will be there Manoeuvring day. around will just cloud the issue, lose time, and lessen the chances of building a suc- The nonsense of Neil Kinnock's position " he says, "the dented as Council, making cases humane cuts, than no shield at all." There Socialist Viewpoint, No. 4, March 1985. Page 10
are no such things as humane cuts; especially after 5 years of Thatcher (except possibly cuts in police overtime, etc., which will at least protect a few of us from assault). A shield of any sort, if it's dented buckled or battered, should at least still provide some protection. How can obedience to the Tories, changing from doing what we want, to doing exactly what they want, be any kind of protection trom the Tory cuts? We'd be making them! In reality, many Councillors won't have a choice of whether to "break the law" or not: either they break the law on ratecapping, or they break the law on the minimum services a Council must legally provide. The judges have made it clear that in their view obedience to the ratecapping law comes first, before other laws. What more proof do you need that ratecapping law is class law!
The first step 1n fighting ratecapping
decided: the majority of the Councils which have decided to fight intend to refuse to fix a rate at their March meetings. They will still need to be lobbied and pressed to make that decision. After that decision is taken, Councillors will quite quickly have to start making decisions to back up that policy. As the money
Councillors will come under pressure from different sources: the banks demanding their interest payments; the police; voluntary organisations; the Coun-
We cannot leave Councillors isolated: votes in the Council Chambers - however radical — will not make an effective campaign against ratecapping. From the start, Councillors must fight hand in hand with
movement. The Tories will shrink back from imprisoning Councillors; they do not believe in "creating martyrs"
will be defended by the working class. They didn't jail Arthur Scargill last autumn, they sequestrated NUM funds; and union leaders who'd pledged strike action if Scargill was jailed let the sequestration go by, with a few radical murmurs. Unions must make it clear they will call clearly for strike action if commissioners are called in, or if Councillors are surcharged: the rank and file must press
We must realise, above all, that we cannot win ratecapping on the strength of having a "good case" . NHS workers had a "good case" in 1982 for a 12% wage in-
They won popular support, and solidarity action from other unions. The Tories ignored the arguments, and were let off the hook as union leaders defused the strike action. Council workers must be prepared to take strike action in defence of jobs and services: we cannot see the Tories
"independent arbitrators" over good
Individual Councils must work closely
with the workforce at rank and file level. Mass meetings must be called to discuss
Unions must work together, through joint shop (as in London, with "London Bridge"). But these organisations must turn the pressure on the union leaders and the TUC have called for a Day of Action on March 6; and NALGO — alone among the
unions - have sanctioned strike action. It will be much more difficult to argue for effective strike action if unions are not clearly backing it nationally, or if union leaders are not calling for strike action to defeat rateca local Councils have been able to soften the blow of Tory economic policy. As unemployment soars, as part time jobs replace full time work and the real value of benetits working class relies on Council housing
Tand social services; and cheap transport, sector workers have fared better than industrial workers in the recession. their jobs are seriously under threat, not
Abut also from privatisation. The National Health Service was a rehearsal, not the only target: Councils will be next. Unless the ratecapping workforces wil be faced with a massive privatisation programme, mean a loss of jobs, and loss of pay and conditions for every worker who stilland a
- an added attraction for the Wer the arina to take cost, they were prepared to sit out the strike. The NUM have fought to defend jobs; perhaps as many as 70,000. Nationally ratecapping, if successful, will do away vith some 300,000 jobs completely; anc
• by clearing the path for privatisation -will lead to part-time working, speed up, loss of basic conditions in countless more jobs. No single Council worker is safe.
Where was NUPE when the miners were "left" Bickerstaffe? Bickerstaffe was being
"wise man" for the TUC, arguing the NUM should go back to work for less than the NCB had already offered. Bickerstafte hasn't even been able to follow NUPE Conference policy and organise solidarity action for 92 domestic workers at Barking Hospital: March sees the first anniversary
Where was the T&G when the miners were leading the fight for jobs? Defying bosses' way before car workers' strikes at £200,000 of members' money with nothing more radical than a whimper. their solidarity action with the NUM?
Councillors may be in the tront line; subiect to surcharge and disqualification But the standard of living of every low paid worker and unemployed person is under threat. We've let the Tories reduce us to this: will we let them extract more from us to line the pockets of the bankers, ternational businessmen, the wealthy? The job, and future of every Council worker is
We must fight the Tories with the only weapon left to us: strike action to detend jobs and services. ships stood by and let the alone, while it was in their power to call official action in solidarity with the miners.
Sup; and how much stronger a public sector workers would be for both of them. Where the working class realises what's at stake, all pressure must be turned on the union leaderships now. Don't let
The Labour Party * Nationally lefiance of the law. The NEC must adopt this policy now, and argue for it publicly, including the Party leader.
- Aswell as giving full backing to Councils which are fighting, the Labour
indemnify Councillors who are penalised. The Unions. * Strike to defend democracy and services.
- We need a commitment now from unions to call all strike action against any surcharges, removal of councillors, or cuts in jobs and sevices. Councils and Councillors. * The Budget: No cuts in jobs or
must vote "no" to budgets including any cuts in jobs or services provided for local people. Only such as the police heres undone with hellereas where funds can be withheld
Fusing cheap labour schemes: YTS trainees only on topped-up rates with a guaranteed job. No to privatisation. back onto the working class: no rent increases, no rate increases. No selling off * Non-compliance with Tory laws
-Councillors are accountable to those who elected them: they have no mandate to carry out Tory economic policy at the expense of local people. the Tories pledged to abolish the rating system. not local democracy!
- Councillors must be prepared to break Tory law to defend the working class. Not breaking the law on ratecapping will generally mean breaking the law on minimum services which CounSocialist Viewpoint, No. 4, March 1985. Page I1
NO CENTRE * Locally
- Labour Parties have a key role to play in helping organise campaigns with tenants and community groups: approach to black and ethnic minority organisations to organise a joint
-Labour Parties should affiliate to organisations (like "London Bridge" in London); or, if these do not exist, work * Organise Council Workers
- Mass meetings of Council workers must be called; stewards campaigns to be built in rate-capped and hit list authorities.
-Prepare for strike action locally: and turn the pressure on the union leaderships to fight for their members. Start organising for solidarity strike action. cils must provide.
-No fudges or compromises: so no negotiations with Jenkins, or any other Tory minister. The Tories aren't independent arbitrators of "good cases":
ve need a united fight. In particular, n Council should break ranks and pleac their own case. Separate negotiations would play into the Tories' hands, by dividing us. * Stand firm!
- While we work for a united fight now; we should be ready to back Councils which stick to their principles, even it it means fighting alone
— No compromise from Labour Coun cillors: individuals must be prepared to break the whip if Labour Groups renege on the fight. Councillors should see themselves as defenders of the interests of trade unionists, tenants and community groups. * Working with the unions
-If we're to have a united fight, Labour Groups must work closely with Council trade unions. Group meetings should be open to trade unions to attend and participate.
-Groups must support trade union action: no victimisation of workers taking action to