"Peace" and political revolution in Eastern
The CP's national congress Report for 1945 registers their blunder only in pa becomes clear, in the light of the Election results and the political developments that had taken place, that the proposal (to put forward after the Crimea Conference) to Coalition Government, including the the Election, was
However, the Party still lacked any serious class-struggle policies. naturally enough to the adoption of tormhe British gramme of the CPGI which was personally endorsed by Stalin in 1951.
"British Road" proclaimed the new "orthodoxy" which was later to be enlarged upon by the "Euros" in the 1970s: power was to be won not through mass action by the but through Parliament, and peacefully taking control of the state machinery. basic ABC lessons of Marxism and Leninism on the need to smash the state machine and construct a new workers' state were cast aside in the tell-tale formula:
our traditional instituwe can transform Parliament into the effective instrument of the people's will, through which the major measures of the change to socialism will be carried. Using the rights already won in the Labour movement's historic struggle democracy, we can change capitalist democracy, dominated by wealth and privilege, into
Europe
WHERE should the left wing of the lissident ¡roupings talinist-ruled states of Easter:
Europe, Asia and Cuba? The ambiguities on this question sharply to the surface in the confused attitudes vingers in the trade unions anc he Labour Party towards the vas
Polish Solidarnosc which emerged in 1980. While the huge support for the movement amongst millions of Polish workers was beyond doubt, there were revolutionary democracy, where only the interests of the people count.
(The British Road to Socialism, 1958 step along the road which has led it to the present crisis. The reason is oblesgislative already has a reformist party tor embarrassing links to brutal dictatorial rule in Eastern Europe and socialist
By HARRY SLOAN on the
IOse many left movement overseas, fashion
Struggle.
edition, p. 10)
Tell that to the workers of Chile!
By embracing this reformist forthe British CP took a further vious: the British workers movement much larger than the CP. The Labour makes no bones about its
Socialism, and is not hamstrung by nany at every level in the labou novement in Britain who pointec
"socialist countries", and see international solidarity as links between them and fellow bureaucrats responded in perialist he Polish Workers
•eanwhile, exploiting
Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 30 the USSR. As the popular appeal of the CP's traditional ties to Moscow invasions of Hungary and Czecheslovakia, more dubious, so the Party's fortunes have dwindled.
with membership at the lowest for decades, union base restricted in most unions to bureaucratic positions while rank dilemma of how best to proceed is tearing the Party apart
For the traditional Stalinists, pretty much a question of "business as usual" in the unions, linked with popular front policies and endorsement of the global policies of the cur-
"Euro" Stalinists, eager political bedfellows, search is on for a more "respectable" image, keeping Moscow length. Both face the problem that CP policy in theory and in practice is on many issues considerably to the right of Labour's active left wing -and that iecruitment prospects are therefore poor.
However long it takes the present CP majority to seize control of the Party's daily paper, and whichever way the beleagured Moscow-liners decide to go, the lesson is that any forces drawn around today's Communist Party should look closely at the pedigree of the pup they are be-
Those looking for a coherent working class line and a programme of revolutionary struggle will need to look not to the rotting hulk Stalinism but to building an organisations on the politics and methods of this weakness and aping the anticommunist rhetoric of Reagan and
Thatcher, it was the extreme rightwing of the British trade union bureaucracy that cynically attempted to steal the banner of
Solidarnosc and parade as
'defenders" of workers rights.
This same problem has found its
Perined Foutan international ot
1938 placed no reliance in the
Soviet bureaucracy, and should argue:
"for the freedom of the trade unions and the factory committees.
for the right oi assembly and freedom of the press."
Having suffered and witnessed
Stalin's vast purges of tionists of all descriptions and the frame-up "Moscow Trials", Trotsky placed no trust in the bureaucracy to detend the USSR, and insisted that:
"All political trials, staged by the Thermidorean bureaucracy, to be reviewed in the light of complete publicity and controversial openness and integrity.
(Transitional Programme, 1938) But lacking Leon Trotsky and his fierce independence of judgement.
many Trotskyist groupings the war have succumbed
Stalinist pressure and backtracked on this bold, unconditional defence of democratic rights what they have loosely termed the
"workers' states" of
Europe, Asia and Cuba. Instead of recognising the enemy to be the brutally repressive ruling Stalinist bureaucracy. many who
Estonian statement
ESTONIA is one of 3 East Baltic states (the others being Latvia and Lithuania) which were incorporated into the USSR after the World War. It has a population of about 2 million people, about a third of which now are Russians, native Estonian population decline. The Estonian language very similar to Finnish and so the Estonians are influenced by Finnish culture. OUR geographic location on the shores of the Baltic Sea and our historical birthright give us the justification for turning to you. Tallinn is less distant from Stockholm than are the cities of Goteborg Nevertheless, we have been denied the participate in the Conference about to begin even as observers. have no prospect of becoming acquainted in a normal way with the problems to be discussed, nor will we be given the opportunity to state our views on them.
In order to secure greater "trust" and stability in the Baltic region, the Red Army occupied the three Baltic States in operation that was carried out in days - from June 15 to 17, 1940. (The size of the occupation force that "delivered" the 5.5 million people living in the Baltic States from their governments, so that they might be guaranteed "security" and "the right to free expression", some 500,000 men.) As far as Estonia was concerned, approximately 130,000 Army troops participated in the operation (according to the estimates of the Kersten Commission of the US Congress in 1954 Of the 130,000, 40,000 were already in Estonia by virtue of having been billeted in bases set "Because, under the Assistance Pact. according Soviet historians, there were 133 (!) Commmunists in Estonia at the time, it becomes themselves as Irotskyists have instead condemned, or acquiesced in the repression of.
tionary ideas reflect the conditions tional groupings to argue oppostpolitics does not commit us to defend or endorse the ideas they put forward. Just as many Solidarnosc leaders entertained illusions in the
IMF and still more Western bank loans as a solution to the problems of the debt-laden Polish economy;
just as many Solidarnosc militants retained religious prejudices even as they fought for workers' control privileges, so many oppositionists in Stalinist-ruled states have put since forward some to in minorities is combined with con-
Eastern fused or naive illusions resulting rom Western propaganda and in stinctive rejection
Stalinist political dogma. Defenregard ding the right of such groupings to
"led" the "revolution"
Second with the factor that did not involve itself in in is the Lithuanian Communists,
St , 1940, he said:
refugees.
an three
Áccording that period.
statistics of the United tional Refugee Organisation,
1946 (on the heels of the Poles).
", amounted to
Red
Mutual to small. largely pears to be the right of opposipaigns" in struggle ideas with which disagree. Most a kernel of healthy revolt particular aspects of the official evident that some 1,000 Soviet soldiers which stood behind every local Communist who
Later Communist historical treatments of the coups of 1940 have attempted to one down the role played by the Soviet armed forces; the Red Army is portrayec as a stabilizing but simultaneously passive Paleckis at any rate, who was the leader of beans" right from the start in his excessive zeal. In a declaration from the tribune of of the USSR the Red Army entered Lithuania, soun ling praise to Stalin, with the objective o1 protecting the interests of the Soviet
The price that the Baltic States had to pay for such one-sided trust and security was one of the cruelest — even by the stan- some dards of World War II. The population of Estonia declined by 22 per cent between 1940 and 1950 as a result of war, repression, mass deportations, and the departure from the country in 1944 of a wave of
- the greatest population loss suffered by any European nation during to the official Nations Internacitizens of the Baltic nations constituted the second largest group of refugees in the world in
As long as we are discussing the confidence and the security of the countries on the Baltic Sea, the fact simply cannot be overlooked that at present it is very dif ficult to find a region of the Soviet Union that compares with the Baltic States (exfor the Murmansk and basics Kamchatka areas) in terms of the high concentration of military bases. Additionally, young nearly 15% of the territory of Estonia has declared to be a border zone, to Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 31 fight for their views is a starting point for any attempt to change those views and develop them.
A particular case in point apthe politics of the various dissident peace groups that have emerged in opposition to the official state-run peace "cam-
Eastern Europe. For readers' information, and as part of what we hope won bee nontoing discussion both on the politics the peace movement and on the against Stalinism in Eastern Europe, we are reprinting here two texts distributed earlier this year at the European Nuclear Disarmament Perugia, in Italy.
One is a message from Jacek of Solidarnosc, which urges European movement to link the issue of that of civil and particularly with regard to Eastern Europe. The second is an appeal from lependent peace group in Estonic vhich was originally distributed a the Stockholm conference of Scan-
Christmas 1983.
with Coul special permission and in the coastal areas of which the rights of the civilian popularestricted. It is not insignificant that the Soviet border and internal security forces (note that the militia is a separate entity!) were estimated to number 350,000 men in 1977. This means that the forces that are basically intended to stand vigil over — and keep in check —
Soviet people themselves outstrip in size the whole of the British Armed Forces or the Bundeswehr, which, according to Moscow, pose such a danger to European
In contrast with the zealous encourageby the USSR to the peace movement in foreign lands, within its own borders it is the military that is exalted throughout the length and breadth of the land. It is an institution commanding only praise, even though it grows more burdenfrom one day to the next. The military cannot be criticized; neither can it be controlled. From earliest childhood, the consciousness of the Soviet citizen is inculcated with a military-secrets hysteria. The slightest personal interest one might show towards the mission of the Armed Forces, the presence of bases, general smacks of espionage and high treason — let alone getting involved in protests or daring to demand demilitarization! that Soviet youngsters are among the most heavily indoctrinated young people in the world in respect of the military should provide peace advocates with food for thought. Mandatory military training is imposed on young people in every school (in secondary school even girls are expected to be able to field-strip, assemble, and fire the standard-issue weapon and must learn the of battlefield tactics). This continues at the university level, meaning that women, upon graduation, are assigned ranks, put on the lists of the Military Registration and Enlistment Of-
fice, and thus made technically subject to both mobilization and call-ups refresher training.
Scattered to the winds throughout the vastness of the Soviet Union, young Estonian servicemen are often abuse and beatings at the hands of Russians and persons of other nationalities, who see "fascists" in the young men from the Baltic area, with their savoir-vivre. Those who are discovered to religious convictions suffer persecution.
Hundreds of young Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians have already met a cruel and shabby fate in the dirty imperialistic war being waged in Afghanistan. peace activists (particularly students) are "rewarded" for expressing their opinions with immediate mobilization into the Soviet Army, where aginable uses of terror against detenseless youngsters are condoned - up to and including deadly force.
The options open to Soviet citizens who want to do something in the interests furthering international peace and stability are limited. One can pay one's rubles into the "peace fund" (which in fact is a mandatory exercise — declining to contribute is not allowed), or one can get co-opted into helping organise official peace actions, which take place in the increasingly infrequent gaps sandwiched between military reserve training sessions, air defence exercises, disaster reliei drills, and vituperative propaganda critical of Reagan, the "war-monger". All self-introduced peace initiatives beaten down in the literal sense of the term right at the outset (some years ago, when a worker showed up at the October Parade In Tallinn with a hand-made sign saying "NATO - No! UN - Yes!", this gesture was considered so dangerous to the state that the placard was trampled undertoot and the carrier of the sign locked up for several days on charges "hooliganism").
Therefore, when the idea of turning Northern Europe into a nuclear-free zone was conceived in the northland, it was well received by the native populations of the Baltic countries.
An appeal signed by thirty-eight Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian rights crusader and peace made public on October 10, 1981, proposing that the Baltic Sea as such and the three Baltic States upon its shores be included in the project to turn Europe into a nuclear-free zone. In short order, the signers of the began to be persecuted by the authorities.
During 1983 alone, four of the Estonians belonging to the group that had signed the document were arrested: Lagle Keikki Ahonen, Arvo Pesti and Enn Tarto. Sentenced on December 16, 1983, the first three were given long terms of imprisonment (ranging from seven to nine years) for their efforts in the name of peace and 'for disseminating undistorted information; a harsher sentence probably awaits the 46 year old Enn Tarto, who has suffered twice on earlier occasions in Soviet prisons.
Two leading Estonian human rights figures, the biologist Mart Niklus and the chemist Juri Kukk, who, things, allowed themselves the liberty of protesting against the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, were throttled in a similar way earlier on, in 1980. Juri Kukk perished (or was murdered) a year later, in the Vologda Prison. Mart Nuklus is serving a 15 year sentence in a solitary confinement cell in the notorious Chistopol Prison.
In a country were the denied its democratic rights, cannot exert
My cano so or senate bial.
for that do not conform to official policy (anti-
Soviet propaganda!); where no trace of a subjected to spontaneous and responsible peace move nent can be found (the official peace movement merely serves as camouflage the all-powerful toI militaristic frame of reterence) — in such a have state, the sadistic and military men, in its isolation from the people, has a free hand in embarking on adventures every peace marches of hundreds of thousands of West Europeans
Young signatures lending support to the idea of establishing nuclear-free zones will be of university the point avail until по preceding sentence all sideration and until those seldom-seen inimdividuals in the their determination, sense of responsiblity and who earnestly seek the democratisation as of demilitarization of their society begin to be regarded as true allies.
sessions are of human activists was
Northern memorandum
Soviet
Parek, among other population, the absence cannot express or disseminate beliefs chauvinisticconstrained advantage, sealed-oit clan of bureaucrats description.
The and the millions of made in the right is taken into con-
East who have kept up and self-respect, ference well as the
Sea,
MAGYARORSZAG
NE LEGYEN MIROSIMA
FOR,
ABSEVE
FRIENDS
Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 32
Peace and security are inconceivable in of truth, justice, and an operative solidarity with those who are oppressed and suffering. • The free countries on the Baltic Sea basin cannot have feelings of confidence and security towards a great power that, although it sermonises noisily about peace, actually cultivates unmilitarism and ideological rancor and has applied violence to its own putting in thralldom the eastern and southern coasts of the Baltic Sea. It will be possible to begin discussing real trust and security on the day that the Soviet Union brings its policy towards the occupied Baltic nations into accord with the principles of the Universal Declaration ri Human Rights, giving theres eoples the to self-expression, self-determination, and demilitarization.
Extacts of a declaration of Neutral and Nuclear-Free Balticum association to all those taking part in the Stockholm Conon security-building measures and disarmament in Europe and to peace organisations in all countries on the Baltic
Christmas 1983.