Blackpool '84 THERE is a saying that one strike is worth thousand resolutions. truth of this (if it needed proving again) was borne out in the effect of the miners' strike on both the NUM delegation and — on some issues on this year's Labour Conference in general.
At 1983 Conference, a woman delegate went to the rostrum to complain of sexual harassment by the NUM delegation. This year miners' delegation not only ported the demands of the Women's Action Committee (with a miner giving one of the best speeches in support heard coming trom a man) but also backed the calls for Black Sections and British withdrawal from Northern Ireland
The majority of conference, in opposition to NEC recommendations - or, at best, the luke warm support of the the NEC, members could be seen squirming in their seats passed radical resolutions on the police, local authority cuts and condemning the use supergrasses and plastic bullets in Northern Ireland
However, conference as a whole was by no means a victory for the left: many of the more "radical" failed to commit the Party to action now, and the centre/right managed to ride out the storm and retain control of the NEC
The Miners' Strike
This dominated the first day of conference and continued to be a major factor throughout the week. Kinnock had tried to get the resolutions condemning police behaviour withdrawn in exchange for supporting a general motion of solidarity with the miners. The movers refused and had to sit and watch while conference not only gave a euphoric reception and standing ovation to Scargill, but also passed motions directly attack. ing the police, which led a police spokesman to make the comment that they would find it im possible to work with a Labour government.
However, in amongst the denunciation of police violence and undercover surveillence were the strange demand that the next Labour government should "stop the police from playing a part in industrial disputes" and a call for the police to be able to join trade unions (affiliated to the TUC and Labour Party?).
Kinnock comes out ahead The the sup- often whose of motions push for meaningful action. Kinnock (using Daily Express credentials, revealing and putting the centre/right on the the NUM spot, from pressure merely a statement support for the NUM" clear that it is not only other workers in struggle which it refuses to sup- port, the GMBU put no emergency motion at all to conference on the im.
By PETE FIRMIN CAN
But, as at the TUC, the NUM refused to capitalise on their support and
In addition to the weak resolution of support on the Monday, the NUM leadership backed down on getting conference to declare the strike official and thus share its contempt of court. After a writ was served on Scargill in the conterence on the Tuesday afternoon
Ffor which its editor was expelled from conference) the TGWU wanted to put an emergency resolution declaring that conference regarded the strike as official. Instead of welcoming this
MPs buckled under Basnett and the GMBATU and the resolution became
expressing "full Just to make it Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 21
FORAFAFER, DETTER BRITAIN prisonment of 37 of its own members for fighting for their jobs at Camell Lairds on Merseyside.
Black Monday for Kinnock
It was on the same day that Kinnock suffered defeat on the issue on which, according to the press, he had "staked his authority as leader": reselection. Against all expectations
amendment" disenfranchispolitical levy and opening the door to postal ballots was rejected by 3.5 million to 3 million. At the end of the day it seems the amendment was so blatantly designed to protect sitting
from accountability that the "left" trade union delegations could not accept it. Conference was left with a rather confused "status quo" atter motions for and against the change were rejected, reflecting a general feeling that, although the present system is not perfect, the amendment would be a step back for democracy. However, there remain
Cuts
Ine Tory offensive against the NHS and local authority services meant that conference could without major debates on these. On the NHS excellent policy was passed
committing the next Labour government to the nationalisation drug companies, the private medicine and a free prehensive health service. fighting cuts and privatisation in the here and now, nothing stronger was put (and passed) than deploring cuts
"the NHS campaign": a campaign which has everything to do with transporting Neil Kinnock and tons of leaflets around the country by "ambulance" and very little to do with fighting the cuts. No motion expressed support for, or attempted to learn from, the hospital strikes and occupations which have taken place.
Because local councils are, unlike Health mand not ure as ellas on local
Knot be as evasive on local government cuts. Motions pledging opposition to rate-capping abolition of the metropolitan councils were passed, explicitly stating that this may involve illegal action. These are welcomed, but the scale of the task involved in turning words into action should not be ignored. While David Blunkett the local government "hero" was telling conterence that it is not the job of Labour councils to make
uts, striking NALGO members from
'his" Sheffield Council were lobby ing conterence. And Kinnock was let off the hook when Militant supporters composited out any criticism stance from the resolution on Liverpool, leaving conference merely "applaudina" Liverpool dubious) victory.
From Economism to Socialism
While conference was very radical on the "bread-and-butter" issues of the miners' strike and cuts, this is still a long way from recognising specitic oppression of blacks, lesbians and gays or from a basic understanding British problem. Once again, resolutions on lesbians and gays were not discussed despite several resolutions being submitted, and despite the immediacy ot the Rugby Council's announcement that it would not employ gays.
All four women's resolutions were defeated (by larger margins than last year) and there was resemblance between the arguments used against Black sections and those wheeled out year after year against the women's demands - that it would alienate whites/men; blacks/women can reach positions on merit without positive discrimination 'separatism"/"apartheid" (!); we're all socialists anyway, aren't we? The similarities went further: Gwynneth Dunwoody spoke against the women's resolutions on behalf of the NEC (Jo Richardson, chair of the
not pass
of the abolition of
com-
Yet on
women's committee refused to do so), and right-wing blacks made the same arguments against black sections -one, a member of the EETPU delegano and the tion, and another,
member of the UPW (now UCW) exand ecutive opposed local postal workers taking action against Grunwicks to support the strike for unionisation of
to
Othe (largely Asian) workforce. On Ireland, similarities with the miners' strike obviously moved the Conference maof the NEC - to oppose Diplock Courts, the use of Plasticism est Out ePile ento was lerrorism passed by 3 million to 2.5 million, on.
of his ly 450,000 votes were cast tor the mo-
Ition rejecting the Unionist veto on Irish Councils ipartisanship and for the party to
argue for arguments still have to be won in the the movement; an understanding of these
women,
Tout of economic militancy, but has to be argued clearly and politically. of Ireland's
Down but far from out Daily Mirror's headline was "Kick the and the right were kicked around the issue given
conference floor on the miners' strike control at the end of the week, having ridden out the storm. Rarely directly a striking challenged on fighting Tory policies howe, innock and Hattersley fathe no challenge at all to their positions as Leader and Deputy. despite the right's back-stabbing of the miners. Speaker after speaker opor and water down reselection denounced it on because of the need for "unity" against the that it was divisive of the NEC to bring this issue forward. Yet if "unity" is
right, who when a The recognition of the • against the recommendation But while this was Unity, calling for an end to withdrawal of British The message for the left comes over does not grow automatically THE After the first day of conference the phlet they were still in attending and Committee. "Unity" was 'Evans amendment" Militant can Tories, and complained Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 22
| the issue, who is going to ditch the right-wing MPs? Many have yet to learn that such unity helps only the
who use the left's refusal to push forward as an opportunity to counter-attack, on policies, reselection or further witch-hunts.
Postscript extent to which the centre/right have managed to keep control despite a "militant" conference is shown by their confidence in electing Shadow Cabinet and installing rightwingers as chairs of the NEC sub-committees. Particularly the election of Turnock (a Weighellite leftover in the NUR) as chair of the organisation committee and Cure (rabid AUEW right-winger) as chair of the appeals and mediation committee are a clear indication of the Right's intention to fight tooth and nail over reselection. Kinnock's refusal to appear on the platform at any of the NUM's rallies is a tell-tale sign of the respect he gives to conference decisions.
people most jubilant (and nauseatingly so) at the defeat of Black sections were the supporters of Militant. Obviously extremely worried about the development, they against Black Produced a pam-
against sections (in the name of the LPYS) and brought many of their black supporters to Blackpool for most of the week. They even went to the unusual lengths (for them) of lobbying.
Tand speaking at. fringe meetings organised by Labour Briefing
Black Sections Steering
The reason for their concern became obvious - until now Militant has had a virtual monopoly of radical black youth in the Labour Party and they (rightly) see the black sections movement as a serious threat to this. The hypocrisy of supporting specific sections for youth but not for black people was blatant for all who cared to open their eyes. The only (semi-) political arguments which
muster are that black workers have no interests separate to those of the working class as a whole and that the Black Sections Steering
Committee has no "bold socialist pro-
ramme"; as if black people do not fac
he specific oppressior police harassment and general racism including within the labour movement itself) and as if banalities tionalising the top 200 monopolies were an answer to this. THE miners' strike ran like a red thread through both conference and many fringe meetings, but with the rank and file left having very little chance to affect events Because of this, what must rate as one of the worst missed opportunities for the left during the strike happened on the last
Thursday) evening of conterence. Labou
rieting brought oft a coup by managing to hold a public meeting with Scargill speaking on the NUM's response to writ served to him in the conference on the Tuesday afternoon.
Over 800 people turned up Scaraill repeat that the union would defy the courts, and Jimmy Knapp promise that if the NUM leadership were imprisoned, he would call his members out in support. But far from seizing this chance organise serious action in defence of the NUM, Briefing let it slide. A lengthy statement was read to the meeting by the organisers which, while General Strike in defence of the NUM in passing, in terms of immediate tasks talked Detente Sommitte end get age Defence Committee, gustrial action as wil ollow sut action against the NUM.
Any doubts about the willingness of Briefing to call for and organise industrial action using the massive turn-out at the meeting were clered up at the first meeting of the defence Committee the following lunch-time. Chris Knight, from the Briefing Editorial Board introduced meeting by saying that the purpose of it was to ensure the wide circulation of the resolution "sharing the contempt" of the NUM by declaring the strike official and to call a conterence at a future date of those supporting this
He said quite clearly that the organising of industrial action in support of the NUM "was up to the industrial wing of the movement", thus letting left union leaders like Knapp off the hook and accepting separation of the movement which always benefitted the right. A Socialist Viewpoint supporter spoke only to be told there was discuss a resolution on organising for strike action. While a sometime in December of those who support the miners is to be welcomed, it is no substitute for what could have been done. SOCIALIST Organiser had meeting on the Tuesday topic 'Strikers Speak Out. people turned up to discuss the way forward with what looked like an pressive pltform including ton, secretary of the Notts Rank and File Strike Committee and a speaker from Cammell Lairds (where Lol Duffy, an SO supporter had been jailed the day bełore). However, the speeches were incredibly low-key. Socialist Organiser had been calling for a General Strike since almost the beginning of the miners' strike, yet the raise this was a non-supporter in a contribution from the floor. speeches consisted of a series of anec. dotes about state violence of the kind to be heard at any meeting in support of the miners.
Whatever did happen to "General Strike", "Kick out the Tories" and "Fight for a Workers' Government"?
of the laws. about na- the to hear to mentioning a such decision making. the by a larger margin than in 1983. had to complain delegation. the has balance. Warning ignore women at your peril against this, contribution "not time" to concessions. Conference miners weren't new they unionists; a fringe contribution. night on the About 60 im- of the last two years Paul Whet- because they We must time aside set Organisation" only person to Instead, the n policy making
Another rebuff for Labour's women Support ed tor the THE 1984 annual Labour Party Con- ference saw the second major attempt to raise the status of women in the Party, and give us direct access to similar! 'Our" resolutions - based on the five major demands of the Women's Action Committee - were deteated; generally speaking, Support came from new quarters. At last year's Conference, a delegate from the rostrum about the verbal sexual harassment level being dealt out to women by the NUM This year, an NUM delegate, John Burrows (a member of the Derbyshire Moore NUM Executive) tried to redress the Conference to his varned against that: patronising women by granting token Women have always been involved in struggle; the women who had come forward to support the to the game, 1985. waiting to learn the rules from male made their own As women launch the 1985 cam- paign around our demands, we must make sure we don't just plan a re-run efforts. Not but were because ail campaigns must develop it they are to keep their momentum. recognise that winning our demands will not end our pro- blems in the Party. Apart from the "Women's for the debate, there was hardly any mention of women in the whole conference. As well as our role within the Party structure, we have a long way to go in convincing the Par- ty members to take women seriously ¡ John Burrows' contribution (an other miners are echoing that senti- ment) showed how women's involve- they ment can move mountains in terms oi shifting male attitudes, what effect Socialist Viewpoint, No. 2, November 1984. Page 23
By JENNY FISHER would that level of involvement have on the Labour Party leadership?
We could have a massive effect on the Labour Party over the next year. Women in Miners Support Groups are joining the Party already; some
Groups have formed Women's Sections on a village basis. There's no reason, if the Labour Party becomes deeply and actively involv-
in health or local government campaigns, campied to the Party to join the fight women can't be
demands Women's Organisation. We don't have to wait till we win them. In fact, recuitment via campaigns is likely to be more successful, as it's more relevant than handing out leatlets proclaiming "Elect the NEC Women's Seats at Women's Conference" or something
Starting now, we can make a determined effort to include women's concerns in all policy formation at Constituency level. Constituencies can send resolutions to the National Executive Committee; so can Women's Regional Committees, and we have some sympathetic voices at national
Neil Kinnock said during Conference that he thought the women might go away by 1985; and Mandy
Chad to assure him 1n the women's debate that we won't. Let's not just come back to 1985 Annual Conference with our Women's Organisation resolutions. We will do
Abut let's also raise the consciousness in the whole Party on women's issues throughout the year, leading to women being mentioned
all the policy areas debated in
We can only improve Party policy by doing this: and we'll also help to make it ciear why women want and need direct representation. Make women visible!
1984 Conference changed the rules on extra women delegates.
Now. any Constituency Party with 400 or more individual women members can send an extra woman delegate to Conference.
The entitlement for 1985 Conference will be based on membership figures at December 31, 1984.
Check your CLP's individual women's membership NOW; and rganise a recruitment drive 1 necessary/possible
New members' names will need to be forwarded to December ward and General Committee meetings at the latest; check the dates as
may have been moved because of Xmas.
Communist