Transitional demands and the fight against
Kinnock NOBODY now believes Neil Kinnock intends to carry out a radical left wing programme. Even Norman Tebbit's crude Tory "red scare" campaign has been floundering tor lack of credible allegations.
The consolidation of the Kinnock-Hattersley leadership since election as the union bureaucracy's "Dream Ticket" in 1983 has centred on scrapping one by one the more radical commitments which Labour Party conference had begun to demand in the period 1979-82.
There can be little doubt that Kinnock's political aspirations are little different from those which motivated Harold Wilson in his pledges to bring about a "white hot technological revolution" within the framework of British capitalism in 1964, and his subsequent hollow pledge to Britain back to work" by reformist measures in 1974.
Already Roy Hattersley has begun airing his demands for cash limits on the expansion of public services, and has been canvassing with some success amongst the union leaderships for agreement on a package of wage controls. Kinnock has abandoned any pledge to repeal the Tories' battery of anti-union laws — and enlisted none other than the NGA's Tony Dubbins to back him up. tionalisation of the sectors privatised by the Tories has been relegated to a "low priority" while pledges restore health, education and other services and the necessary crash programme of house building repairs to create useful new jobs have all been carefully hedged by warnings of the need for management of the capitalist economy. New nationalisation is virtually ruled out. There will be no rash commitments to restore liberties and democratic destroyed by Tory legislation, timescale for the abolition racist Immigration and Nationality Acts, and only guarded promises to increase pensions, student grants and - benefits.
that their "Get So why do we want a policies? And tionalisation of the ing it out? Rena- lavourable new to development of and millions on the dole. "responsible" have not by any the civil rights whole a resistance of the printworkers no of the Brenda the 1930s,
By JOHN LISTER leaders. F demands class Labour constructed government returned despite these
what kind of pro- industries — gramme should the left be putting ing, forward for the workers' movement? transport. Is the answer to Kinnock's right wing line simply to counterpose propaganda calls for wholescale and total na-
economy, and then denounce Labour for not carry-
The reason for wanting the defeat of the Tories and the return of a Labour government is that it would offer us the best hope opening up a
situation a mass working class action around the many needs and demands of those in work and the
Seven years of Thatcher's offensive, met by the TUC's succession of miserable betrayals, retreats and the weaken traumatic defeat of the Miners' Strike
means crushed the bureaucracy. fighting spirit of the working class as
Tas the tremendous to Dean's sell-out has shown. Though numbers of days lost in strike action have declined to the level of
militancy is repressed rather than extinguished: even in the Socialist Viewpoint No. 13 July 1986 p30
past few weeks we have seen postal y workers, shipyard workers, textile workers and others erupt into action, despite the timidity of their official
If the Tory government, linch-pin of the employers' offensive, were to be ousted, and a government at least pretending to respond to workers'
were elected, the stage would be set for a new upsurge of u militant action in which the union structures at workplace level could rapidly recover their lost confidence * and fighting capacity
We could not of course expect any carbon copy of the great upsurge of the mass action which followed the re-election of Wilson in 1974. The major defeats inflicted upon the shop floor organisation of the working
Aby Thatcher, and the strengthening grip of the new layer of right wing bureaucrats now moving into the leadership of key unions, make the conditions very different.
Heath's government had been battered by an almost continual succession of major strikes and struggles, at the centre of many of which was a powerful shop stewards' movement
during the preceding years of boom-time in the traditional
Scars, docks, engineerconstruction, and road !
Today many of these industries have been devastated by a decade of recession and rationalisation, the stewards committees themsewith the stewards' committees themselves further gutted by management victimisations and attacks, waves of voluntary and compulsory redundancies, and the political degeneration of an old layer of convenors and stewards into the politics of class collaboration and bureaucracy. The two biggest defeats which rocked and finally toppled the Heath government were delivered by the miners; now Thatcher has confronted and defeated the NUM, and a new backstabbing campaign to isolate and /
Arthur Scargill is being waged by the right wing of the NUM
Nevertheless, the latent anger and militancy of the working class continues to develop, while the fact that greater numbers are again looking to a Labour Government to answer their problems can be seen from local election and opinion poll results. Faced by the predictable arrogant
BENNE WAT FOR P. M FLESSEY NEXT refusal by Kinnock-Hattersley to concede to their basic demands, there is every reason to believe that workers will feel encouraged to take the road of struggle to force the new government into line.
This certainly happened under Wilson in 1974. The incoming Labour government refused to repeal Tory wage-controls, and dragged its feet over repeal of the hated Industrial Relations Act. It was confronted by mass action by health workers and others demanding a living wage, and by the threat of a national strike by the AUEW which was faced with sequestration at the hands of Heath's National Industrial Relations Court (the AUEW action forced instant panic measures to repeal the Act).
Other struggles gained mass currency — the call for the freeing of the Shrewsbury building workers, jailed for alleged picketing offences; the call for the lifting of all penalties on the Clay Cross councillors surcharged for fighting Heath's so-called "Fair Rents Act"
In view of the fact that Thatcher has jone further and faster than Heath in lestroying democratic rights and working class living standards there
SAY are clearly many more issues which would emerge under a Kinnock government — not least a wholesale revival of the campaign to scrap Trident, kick out Cruise missiles and remove US bases.
When large numbers of workers begin to take action on their own demands, that creates the best conditions for a real discussion on the way forward and the necessary policies to solve their problems. The 'armchair socialism" that takes root in a period of relatively low morale can challenged by a determined agitation around demands and issues which seek to raise the political level of the fight.
For the most part this did not occur in the period after the 1974 election: he reason was the inadequate, sec. arian, propaganda politics of the Marxist left which had for the most part become acclimatised to sloganmongering under Heath, and lacked any convincing, coherent alternative programme to that of Wilson.
Indeed much of the left remained oblivious to the yawning gulf that poles: tos to tiling and bei nationalisation Socialist Viewpoint No. 13 July 1986 p31
Cover HEAT SEN INI C S YOUNG SOCIALISTS GENERAL STRIKE -TORIES OUT. tions of the working class. Not only was Wilson opposed to nationalising the commanding heights of the economy: but the key force that would need to be mobilised if nationalisation were not to be a repetition of the Attlee government's measures to nationalise coal and rail was the working class itself To achieve this, the day to day pro blems and struggles faced by the workers had to be linked with the
fight for socialist solutions.
This was not he first time in history that a workers spor had existed
spontaneous consciousness and the socialist programme: it is a central strategic problem in the fight for revolutionary leadership in mass workers' movement. It has been addressed by Marx and Engels in the demands included in the Communist Manifesto; by Lenin Bolsheviks in the Revolution; by the Communist International in the Theses resolutions of its first four Congresses; and, in the most directly accessible form, by Trotsky and the Left Opposition in the establish a basic continuity in the founding of the Fourth International in 1938.
Trotsky characterised the basic problem as finding the "bridge" between the daily struggles and existing consciousness of the working and the necessary level of organisation and political consciousness if the workers are to overthrow capitalism.
In words which strike echoes 48 years later in 1986 - in which the position of the 1938 Comintern has since been divided between the Eurocommunists Communist Party and the traditional Stalinist supporters of the Morning Star - Trotsky explained the need for a series of demands to serve a centrals necessary to
Tis necessary to help masses in the process of the daily struggle to find the bridge between present demands and the socialist programme of the revolution. This bridge should include a system oi
between the and the October 1917 and fight to revolutionary class familiar transitional of the (| ) from today's conditions and from today's consciousness layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power Uby the proletariat. the "Classical functioning in programme into independent of each minimum limited itseli to retorms within the and the maximum which promised substitution indefinite future. and minimum I programme, no bridge existed. And Kinnock will inherit Thatcher's industrial wasteland.
holiday epoch discussion reforms bourgeoisie inflation, oi strikes); petty the rent demands, stemming • challenging of wide "viability" an epoch progressive capitalism, divided its two parts other: the which programme. capitalists, framework of bourgeois society, programme. of socialism for capitalism in the war; Between the the maximum state; government. Workers bogged "mass Socialist Viewpoint No. 13 July 1986 p32
indeed the Social Democracy has no need of such a bridge, since the word socialism is used only toL
speechifyings The Comintern has set ouf to follow the path of the Social Democracy in an
Cof decaying capitalism: when, in general, there can be no
Cof systematic social and the raising of the masses' living standards; when the
always takes away with the right hand twice what it grants with the left (taxes, tariffs,
'deflation', high prices. unemployment, police supervision
when every serious demand of the proletariat, and even every serious demand of the
bourgeoisie, inevitably reaches beyond the limits of capitalist property relations and of
bourgeois state. (The Transitional Programme)
What issues do these transitional demands address? Again the central demands focus on familiar questions and appear ideally geared to the cur-
situation facing the British labour movement: • defence of living standards; • development of serious class struggle politics in the trade union;
Othe bosses' ikon of with demands for the abolition of business secrecy and the opening of account books and plans to elected trade union committees; • the fight for workers control in the workplace and in whole industries — TED and the development of a workers' plan for production; •mobilising behind the demand for nationalisation of separate groups of !
Tand of banks and the finance houses; • defence of picket lines and working class neighbourhoods; •the fight against imperialism and •the oraanisation oi local organisations of working class power to challenge the power of the capitalist • and the fight for a genuine workers' i Trotsky sheng were hot demen up by then, were the demands of most of the British Marxists who in 1974 saw themselves as the revolutionary vanguard?
The forerunners of today's Socialist
Party, the International Socialistsdown in tail-ending the had already become politics of militant trade union stewards in building their "rank and file" groupings. The IS explicitly rejected any transitional demands.
By 1974 the Workers Revolutionary Party had completely discarded the programme of transitional demands its predecessor the Socialist Labour League had raised during the 1960s and embraced a sectarian perspective of one-by-one recruitment to a
revolutionary party". The
AAAAA
WANTED OUT OUT 1972: strike to release imprisoned dockers WRP's campaigning slogans under Heath had reduced themselves to the glib, ultimatistic call for tionalisation of all basic industries, banks and finance houses, demand for a "General Strike to bring down the Tories and re-elect a Labour government, pledged socialist policies." Once Labour was catapulted back into wake of Heath's defeat by the miners, the WRP found itself coherent programme or policy.
When a minority within the WRP around Alan Thornett began to argue for a return to the demands and the method of Trotsky's Transitional Pro. gramme, they were Vilitied, isolated and expelled. The WRP, far from adopting transitional
to bring strike megalomania While the the trade unions and workplaces. The opportunity was 1974-79 to link the necessary pro- confrontation with and the Labour Party itself. Callaghan took 1978-79 "Winter of Discontent". revolt within the Labour Party follow- to break down some of the sectarian aloofness of the towards struggles in the Labour Par- political perspective. had many strengths: but it did not — and could not resolve ing the Kinnock gravy train, and the hard left: but the discussion on a class has yet to be carried through. ject of managing capitalism with an socialist policies, have to begin at once to raise and popularise them within the workers' movement. the fact of a Kinnock government the na- would struggle, and the independence of the unions and at- tack the workers. new: it is the track record of every to Labour government, as they have at- office in the tempted to tinker with a bankrupt and exploitative capitalist system. Marxists and without any struggle left must be ready to build and support a whole range of strug- gles and campaigns which will break out spontaneously Thatcher, which will include: slandered, •opposition to wage controls; • opposition Polaris and NATO: US bases out; Socialist Viewpoint No. 13 July 1986 p33
demands, lurched further towards ultimatism with calls for a general union laws; down the Labour government, and the barely veiled of demands mworkers revolutionary government. International Marxist Group in 1974 was formally commit- ted to a policy of arguing for a sliding scale of wages and other transitional demands, it did little in practice to popularise or push these policies into lost in in services; grammes and method of intervention with a rising tide of working class struggle. The Wilson betrayals forg- ed ahead regardless — running into ed by increasing sec- tions of the rank and file in the unions Then and Denis over ratecapping Healey's fourth phase of wage con- trols plunged the movement into the While the upsurge of rank and file ing Thatcher's victory in 1979 began Marxist movement ty, it did not resolve the problem oi government: The left ferment of the "Bennite" movement which culminated in the transport; Deputy Leadership election of 1981 - spontaneously the problem of a coherent political alternative to Labour's tradi- oi pay• tional reformist programme. Now the divisions have sharpened within the loss of pay! old Bennite current - between the careerist "Livingstonite" wing follow- in each area. fighting programme for the working • Smash If we want to oppose Kinnock's pro- with up alternative scenario of a fight for then we have to decide what socialist policies, and we • Troops We have to make clear that while open new possibilities for the actions of that govern- ment will be actions which attack the That is nothing including organisations South Africa. "hard" class the government drive. after the fall of elsewhere. Cruise, Palestine.
• demands for the repeal of the anti• fighting for the repeal of Immigration-Nationality Acts; •opposition to contiuning redun-i dancies and speed-up in the factories › and workplaces; • calls for a big increase in pensions and state benefits; • demands for the reinstatement of and amnesty for victimised and jailed miners and class struggle militants; • restore services and standards cut
NHS, education and social • demands for the disbanding of the brutal police detachments (SPG and IRU) built under Labour and unleash-
Thatcher against pickets, demonstrators and black youth; •calls for a restoration of local democracy and an end to
These policies would amount to a wide-reaching series of demands that Labour act to halt the present attacks on the working class. Other demands would also need to be advanced to enable the best elements of the working class to challenge the essentially capitalist, imperialist character of the Labour leadership and a Labour • For a crash programme of useful public works — housing; hospitals; community care; schools; colleges;
infrastructure; energy research; childcare; social services
to create new and worthwhile employment for 4-5 million jobless youth and adults at trade union rates • For a shorter working week without • For a statutory minimum wage to raise the income of the low-paid, enforced by trade union monitoring
Othe EEC Common Agricultural Policy and EEC subsidies to capitalist monopolies! Link
European unions and workers' parties to oppose the bosses' EEC machinery and develop real internationalism.
Tout of Ireland and the Malvinas! US troops out of Grenada! • Britain out of NATO! Disband all British bases oveseas; expel all US bases from Britain! • Break all trade, diplomatic and military links with apartheid South Africa and its stooges! Full support,
Warms, to those black fighting for self-determination in Namibia, and for democratic and socialist demands in • Full support for the Nicaraguan
against the US wai Support for struggles for national liberation in El Salvador and • Support for the Palestinian struggle against the Zionist occupation, and tor a democratic secular state of
None of these demands goes so far | creases in take-home pay to match plan
STOCKHOLDERI REPORT TIMES WERE NEVER BETTER! PROFITS ARE BOOMING! as to call for the socialist overturn of British capitalism. But each of them is in conflict with the interests of British imperialism, and each of them with the possible exception withdrawal from the Malvinas — will be resolutely opposed in practice by Labour leaders in government.
Yet is is also necessary in fighting for a socialist programme to look further at the situation which will confront a new Labour government, and the forces which will drive it into conflict with the working class.
A Kinnock government would face an instant flight of capital unhindered by any constraints. Sterling's value would plummet, bringing a soaring rise in inflation as the costs of imported goods and materials went sharply up.
Kinnock would also inherit mass unemployment, a built-in deficit on manufactured goods, dwindling oil supplies, and a crumbling infrastructure of housing, schools, hospitals, sewers and roads. will have been privatised -scheme for repurchasing the shares.
Against Kinnock's inevitable reformist rationalisation for retreats and class collaboration it is necessary to equip workers with demands and a perspective for struggle which leads forward towards socialist conclusions.
• To stem the flight of capital, the traditional Labourite efforts exchange controls have always proved impotent. Only control of the banking and financial sector - the opening of the books, and the exposure of the hidden deals and swindles coupled with nationalisation of the finance houses can create the machinery that will control the sharks and speculator set-
• To combat the intlationary fects of the falling pound, workers must demand the protection of their pay packets through a sliding scale of wages, providing point for point in-
Othe rise in prices as monitored by trade union committeees. Any other answer to the inevitable currency crisis simply surrenders in advance of to the IMF and turns into a fresh at-
Stack on the workers. This has been a stumbling block Labour government. • The threat to axe jobs in any one industry or workplace must be met by firm trade union opposition and the demand for work sharing on full pay, to divide the available work between the whole existing workforce. tually a socialist society will seek to reformist
soviet.
at workers' ef-
programme. Socialist Viewpoint No. 13 July 1986 p34
SETTLE FOR LESS BEAT THE COMPETITION! the work and wages intact. of each previous benefits too Even- of this problem
"What is the sense of the transitional programme? We can call it a programme of action, but for us, for our strategic conception, it is a transitional programme - it is a help to the masses in overcoming the inherited ideas, methods, and forms and adapting themselves to the exigencies of the objective situation. This transitional programme must include the most simple demands. We cannot foresee and prescribe local and trade union demands adapted to the local situation of a factory, the development from this demand to the slogan for the creation of a workers'
"These are both extreme points, from the development of our transitional programme to find the connecting links and lead the masses to the idea of the revolutionary conquest of power. That is why some demands appear very opportunistic - because they are adapted to the actual mentality of the workers. That is why other demands appear too revolutionary - because they reflect more the objective situation than the actual mentality of the workers. It is our duty to make this gap between objective and subjective factors as short as possible. That is why I cannot overestimate the importance of the transitional
(Leon Trotsky: A Summary of Transitional Demands)
such a division of necessary work to ensure that all workes have right to paid employment. The sharing msut be carried out under the control of elected trade union committees, and with full rights Hospital worker • To meet the problem of mass (above) faced poverty, afflicting the unemployed, bury agiinst 11 pensioners and millions of low-paid building strike workers, an immediate big increase in state benefits in required: these protected must be against inflation. The growing scale - particularly the ex- panding population of elderly people
orkers (top) entered the battle in 1973. laced hundreds of police when they demonstrated in Fanst the trial of builders whose charges drike of 1972. and mass unemployment created by the crisis of capitalism resolved within the present system. To create the extra wealth and work required demands an expansion of production, and switch from production for profit to production for need. This in turn points to the need to expropriate the key industries and socialist planning in place capitalist anarchy or KinnockKeynesian tinkering.
• The development of a workers' plan for production to unmet needs and create new jobs should be called for as part of the fight to show the need for a socialist, planned economy. Included in this plan should be research development into alternative sources of energy to replace oil and potentially lethal nuclear power.
• Only by breaking from the current economic and trading relations and the unequal, imperialistic relationship with the oppressed countries of the "Third World" can the terminal decline of British manufacturing industry be halted. New markets must be found on a new basis: this means the overturn of capitalism.
• The massive scale of the Tories' privateering raids on nationalised in dustries means that the repurchase of anyone of them is virtually impossible. Yet these industries are central to the economy and (BT, British Gas, etc.) major monopolies in their own rights. The need to rather than repurchase these dustries, compensating smallest and poorest shareholders on the basis of their original stake can clearly be exposed by trade unions opening the books and publicising a
SUPPORT YOUR HOSPITAL WORKERS Building workers Shrews- arose from the simplified explanation of their - cannot be propriating monopolies becomes vestigations by unions sit-in, thus be popularised. of jobs in many cater for around expropriation. and losses and attacks on union full restoration of living render but for socialism. capitalist repression, community demands must be replacement of the bosses' and institutions. expropriate universally in- only the NHS. the
RAWLRY REAL COxFORD HOSPITAL WORKERS accounts and profits since privatisation. In doing so, the general case for ex-
banks and toP even clearer. The fight for "open the books" in- munity
Tin each these industries, and for policies of staff
seizure and expropriation can The threat to privatised firms is another angle that can and must be used for propaganda andd agitation
Othe demand for
• On the shop floor in industry, workers' inquiries should expose the extent and impact of speed-up, job
rights since 1979 as the basis for demanding
standards and working conditions. That this de. mand conflicts with capitalist profitability is an argument not for sur- the elderly
• Against the racist and anti-union violence of the police and the threat posed by the armed forces, workers opposed must counterpose demands for the disbanding of these armed bodies of
Tand their replacement by workers' militias and
self-policing. Similar made for the courts, judiciary and civil service hierarchy with elected, accountable figures
• The demands of women for free,
available contraception and abortion on demand link in with the need for a massive expansion of
Similarly the call for systematic screening of all women at risk for cervical and breast cancer, Socialist Viewpoint No. 13 July 1986 p35
and the investment in an urgent programme of research into prevention of these killer diseases underlines the need for a major shake-up of health services. A programme of real commorktorce of NHS and social service an expanded
Ton improved rates of pay is needed to lift the burden of caring for sick and elderly relatives from the shoulders of millions of women in the home: a major programme to provide state nursery facilities that will offer every woman the right to work and leisure; a crash programme of house building and repairs — all are vital for women but require spending that will not be allocated while capitalist priorities prevail.
These — and many other policies relating to the special needs of women workers, Black people and ethnic minorities, the disabled and
- must be campaigned for primarily through agitation and propaganda at the base of the labour movement. They will be rigorously
Knot only by a Labour government but also by trade union bureaucrats, and others who shrink from revolutionary implications.
While it is necessary for us to have policies and demands relating to all these issues, the key factor in the exposure of the real character of the Labour government in office and the construction of a hard left/revolutionary wing in the labour movement will be the extent to which the interests of the working class can be shown to be counterposed on a day-to-day level to the policies and ambitions of the Labour leaders.
While we press for the widest possible support for class struggle policies
and for campaigns around particular transitional demands (most obviously those on protection of living standards and job creation), we must emphasise, in sharp distinction to the Militant school of politics, that the socialist revolution in Britain requires a working class mobilised in its workplaces and localities to challenge the power of the employers and the state, and to build their own organisations.
We do not simply address demands to the government for parliamentary action or legislation from above: we must organise at workplace level to force a hostile, bourgeois Labour government to act in workers' support. If the workers do not act for themselves, there can be no socialist revolution.
Our goal is to foster the spirit of working class independence and anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist resistance that can show workers through their own experiences the need to break from Kinnock's lukewarm reformism and take the road to revolution.
Our alternatives to Labour's class collaboration are alternatives for the workers, to be fought for by workers. We offer the alternative of class struggle, consciously carried through to the level of mass action to expropiating the monopolies and the banks, seize the power, smash the exstate, and establish workers' power. It depends therefore centrally on the development of struggles at the base of the workers' movement in which the class issues can be clarified and the class collaborators discredited and pushed aside.
That is the relevance of the Transitional Programme and its method for Marxists in Britain today. It is a method which deliberately sets its face in opposition to every variety of abstraction: it is a road to revolution based on involvement in the front lines of every struggle in the labour movement and every rebellion of the
The challenge is in the fight to take these demands and this class struggle perspective not only into the existing circles of left wing activists in the wider rank and file of the unions and the broader ranks of the working class. A base must be built above all where the organised left is presently at its weakest: in the industrial struggles of health workers, factory workers, miners, white collar and techical staff, teachers, civil ser-
Unless there is a fight to popularise these demands and mobilise around them, the miserable experience of the missed opportunity of 1914 could be echoed, and history could repeat itself as both tragedy and farce.
IN THIS CRISIS LABOR AND MANAGEMENT MUST CO•OPERATE... 'AND WE WILL CO-OPERATE... Against a bounding rise in prices, (...) one can fight only under the slogan of a sliding scale of wages. This means that collective the increase in price of consumer goods. chronically unemployed paupers, living off the crumbs of a disintegrating society. The right to employment is the only serious right left to the worker in a society based upon exploitation. This right today is being shorn from him at every step. Against to advance, along with the slogan of public works, the slogan of a sliding scale of working hours. Trade unions and other mass in the solidarity of muutal responsibility. On this basis all the work on hand would then be divided among all existing workers in old working week. Wages, with a strictly guaranteed minimum. would follow the movement of prices. It is impossible to accept any other programme for the present catastrophic period. will refer to their account ledgers. The workers categorically a 'normal collision between opposing material interests. The question is one of guarding the proletariat from decay, demoralisation, and ruin. The question is one of life or death of the mankind: If capitalism is incapable of satisfying the demands Socialist Viewpoint No. 12 July 1986 p36
...SO YOU WILL CO. OPERATE BY WORKING HARDER... BY BOSSING SWORK FASTER HARDER
"Neither monetary inflation nor stabilisation can serve as slogans for the proletariat, because these are but two ends of the same stick. agreements should assure an automatic rise in wages in relation to
"Under the menace of its own disintegration, the proletariat cannot permit the transformation of an increasing section of the workers into unemployment, 'structural' as well as 'conjunctural', the time is ripe organisations should bind the workers and the unemployed together accordance with how the extent of the working week is defined. The average wage of every worker remains the same as it was under the
"Property owners and their lawyers will prove the 'unrealisability' of these demands. Smaller, especially ruined capitalists in addition denounce such conclusions and references. The question is not one of only creative and progressive class, and by that token of the future of inevitably arising from the calamities generated by itself, then let it
(Leon Trotsky, The Transitional Programme)
Want to know more? CUBA Radical face of Stalinism
Copies available (£5 00 including postage Bux 3956 London WCIN 3XX -The politics of the MINERS' STRIKE
TIL Perhaps the first attempt at an objective and coherent political analysis of the miners' strike and its lessons for the workers' movement. 44 pages, 80p. including postage, from Socialist Viewpoint, BCM Box 3956, London WCIN 3XX.
•• Socialist Viewpoint has in touch with your nearest contact. Name Address Trade Union Labour Party Telephone SOCIALIST VIEWPOINT Who • Alte, INSIDE: the miners deluge of sell- • NHS under !! Please send me I enclose £ Name Address
England and Scotlund. If you wish to find out more about our politics and aur work in the labour movement in your area, contact Sociahst Viewpoint at BCM Box 39%, London WCIN 3XX, and we will put you Please send me details of Socialist Viewpoint. WELFARE will be Subscribe to the STATE monthly SOCIALIST Keep up with events - from a Socialist Viewpoir: Our monthly magazine carries analysis and background coverage coupled with reviews, articles and comment. Make sure of your copy each month - take out = subscription at the bargain rate of 12 issues for £1C including postage (or f12 overseas). Or take severa: copies to sell: contact us for bulk rates. plus a donation of £
----- pull-quotes on this page ----- 'upporters and sellers in many towns in SOCIALIST VIEWPOINT issues of Socialis: Vient:
SOCIALIST VIEWPOINT - 70p