Nicaraguan economy flags as contras get increased aid Cruel cost of Reagan's war
The Hillsborough Agreement is only partly about resolving situation in the occupied six countles. It is more concerned with drawing the 26 counties into NATO, ensuring that Ireland's opposition to Britain in the Falklands/Malvinas war repeated in some graver crisis in the future.
As the British government used the Pro-Treaty. Free State defeat radical Republicanism 1922-23, it seeks again to police the 26 counties via Dublin in order to defeat not only the Republican Movement but also resistance from the Irish working class. An Accord for Discord Far from providing a basis stability in the 6 counties the Anglo-Irish Agreement has, in the space of WHEN they voted in the US House of Representatives last month against sending $100m of military aid to Reagan's contras. the Democratic leaders made it clear that the President would get his "yes" vote - but only after a decent interval to show that peaceful diplomacy would not get the Nicaraguan government to share power with contra murderers nominated by Reagan.
Impatient at this delay, Reagan embarked on a frenzy of warmongering. In only a few days he had:
•launched warplanes against Libya;
•announced a Nicaraguan army "invasion" of Honduras
dispatch of $20m worth of military equipment to areas bordering Nicaragua;
• and got his "yes" vote in the
Senate.
four months, sharpened all the open the and latent politics. achieved in the short time. Indeed rather than allowing Dublin even a is not voice in counties it has re-emphasised the unreformability and utter sectarianism of the statelet. forces to in slightest Treaty of 1921, while the British government cannot be seen to coerce them, pronouncements that the will of the majority is paramount and through fear of alienating the sectarian forces of the UDR and RUC. for counties - the SDLP — are denied their role as the custodians of the A second article by BILL Party of a labour movement delegation. to confirm accepted the lie with alacrity Marxist-Leninst Republican course Mexico and Texas. and the ment nor its leaders for Leninist (nor the Nicaragua
conflicts within Irish agreement None of its objectives have been
The the running of the six
The Loyalists refuse to acept the
cosmetic revision of the after successive
Dublin and its vehicle in the six MACKEITH following hisvisit to Nicaragua as part
Caribbean. The
No one in Honduras seemed ready
Othe CIA-reported invasion, but Democrat leader Tip O'Neill
Tand Daniel Ortega to be a "bungling, declared Nicaragua's President
communist" and Democrat leaders alike fear a "red tide" rising rom Nicaragua to lap around New
Neither the Nicaraguan govern-
Ware Marxistthat matter is "workers' state" discerned by some Trotskyists), but the overthrow of Samoza in 1979 and the determination of the Nicaraugans Socialist Viewpoint No. 12 May 1986 pl2
Nationalist interests which the
was supposed to give them; and Dublin cannot deliver their side of the bargain - the military and political defeat of SF and the IRA.
continuing struggle of the Republican Movement and the growing economic crisis, which will increasingly thrust the Irish working class into the arena, will inevitably drive the Hillsborough Agreement further onto the rocks. o defend their national in
lependence are indeed historic blows against US imperialism.
As an inspiration to all oppressed peoples they prove a real threat to continual US domination of the countries of Central America and the
costs of fighting the war against the contras are high, and increasing. These costs are heaped on top of the exploitation faced by the mass of people in all underdeveloped countries, as a result of the collapse of food and commodity export prices in the past 10 years.
Among the major achievements in Nicaragua between 1979 and 1984-5 were those in the fields of health and education, symbolised by the campaign that increased literacy from 44% to 88%, the dramatic reduction in malaria cases, and eradication of polio. All these gains - and others (for example in higher education and rual health service provision) are currently being whittled away direct-
Defending Nicaragua's northern borders against "contra" raids. Be or indirty by the war my pret sent "survival Nicaragua allows for no state funding for new health or education building in the more heavily-populated "rearguard" pacific coast regions.
Nearly half the government budget (and a quarter of the country's known production) goes towards military defence, which mobilises 1 in 5 men over 16 years old. To the military casualties, attacks on civilian targets - teachers, medics, peasants as well as schools, health facilities, etc., must be added 250,000 war refugees
The diversion of resources military expenditure, economic blockade and blocking by the US, UK and others of credits from international agencies, disruption of agricultural production and shortage of foreign currency to finance imports — all contribute to high inflation (figures range from 30% to 200% for 1984-5 inclusive), and shortages and a 20% decline (1982-84) in basic (food, clothing) per head.
The above figures are from government's claim against the US government presented to the World Court at the Hague. They should be set beside, for example, the secretary of the Sandinista Trade Union Federation (CST) in León, that with this January's 40-90% national wage increases, wage rates are maintaining their value. workers also benefit from distribution of basic goods through their trade union branches.
bridges, to the US Nicaraguan President Ortega. the contra tional Liberation Front) mand which it consumption elections. the the view of tion front building materiais, for the tunities) Organised Socialist Viewpoint No. 12 May 1986p13
equipment, etc. tions that range of Maoist parties. as the health revolution.
With the authority of having led the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship in 1979, the FSLN_ (Sandinista Na-
Tand the government it forms clearly still com-
considerable support, con- constitutional solidated in the 65% of votes cast
received in the 1984
The government prioritises military defence and maintenance of production in the face of severe difficulties. While recruitment into the regular army, reserve batallions and militias is constantly pushed, on the produc-
Othe Government has a policy of incentives (bonuses, house-
study appormost productive The groups or individual workers in an enterprise. There is also propaganda around production achievements (for example press photos of the "outstan-
ding coffee harvester of the week at La Estsella state farm"), and in favour of good time-keeping, and care of
The various trade union federa-
support these policies from the overwhelmingly dominant CST in the towns, and the farmworkers (ATC), to small affiliates
the Socialist, Communist and
The CST and separate unions such
workers explicitly recognise the FSLN in their constitution as the unquestioned political leaderships of the Nicaraguan
Similar in size to the small "left" federations are the Nicaraguan affiliates of the anti-communist World Confederation of Labour and the TUC's fellow anti-communust ICFTU affiliate, the CUS.
The majority of unions, despite the
"incorporation" into the FSLN, exercise some real influence over Government policy at present, notably over the national pay scales and price controls which are negotiated at the Trade Union Co-ordinating Council from which only the Social Democratic Partylinked CUS and the CTN abstain.
Price control is one of a number of functions carried out by the town, neighbourhood and village Sandinista Defence Committees (CDS).
government's current "iron hand" campaign against profiteering encourages the CDS to inspect shop prices and report unauthorised high prices to government officials. A
organisbeing seized
child Laws, 15 in one sion. to come. "Non-alignment, Mixed economy, Political Pluralism" The FSLN's "non-alignment" policy involves support for the "contadora Datin romes backed notes but
American countries but excluding all Nicaragua's neighbours. This diplomacy. advocating the "end of foreign
Tin Central America" intervention (meaning Cuban and Soviet arms for the Nicaraguans, as well as US intervention) is at best idealistic and without further successes in national liberation in Central America can only lead to the disarming of Nicaragua, since the US government is clearly not interested.
Realistically low though their expectations are, the FSLN attach great importance to support, political and material, from capitalist European states and nongovernmental support from all organisations in west Europe.
The "mixed economy", second of three often-quoted policies of the FSLN government, is very much a reality. Over 60% of the land is privately owned and includes a fair proportion of large properties. Co-ops and state farms each account for just under 20% of the land.
Industry, has a much private apparently firms, owned since 1979. after the country derelict OT President war. political wing permits media meetings or FSLN. CST fight the reports. aid, the Americas. that eit) to Archbishor created
foreign with companies to bide their first time are very expropriated landlords - - left the 1979. in capacity. were to give the to make any from stem , and by the last censorship take ATC members The journalists economic pope, Socialist Viewpoint No. 12 May 1986 pl4
the reality of means the internal between church The gap hierarchy hand, and able to NoT this bishop was the substantiate, to people being FSLN divided the in Christian Socialist, Party, Communist, and Morenist Thus the FSLN vote The regional elected and of the organisation. ruling remained directorate since Region hermetically- This the unions, militants in committees, and other organisations. the three main insurrectionary within prolonged tercerista, me from my visit. refer a and also they US US government pressure - of reserves best tiny FSLN. the at and extend over prices Nicaraguans. This
alternative (which should be taking place anyway) is an increase in support from the Soviet Union and Cuba.
Neither path is certain for the people of Nicaragua whose future social and economic liberation will depend primarily on the course national democratic struggles in the neighbouring countries of El Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica and
Meanwhile, the recent actions of Reagan's government and its Democrat and Republican poodles in Congress show there is urgent and vital solidarity work to be done:
• making sure the threat by Reagan is discussed in trade union Labour Praty branches;
• setting up and strengthening local
• affiliating to the Nicaragua Solidarity Campaign (20 Compton Terrace, London N1, 01-359 8982);
• carrying out solidarty actions that express the enormous hostility of people in Britain to Reagan's plans for Nicaragua and Central America;
national union motions and delegates to the TUC ensuring that the General Council is forced to carry out 1984-5 Congress policy to establish contact with the CST, ATC and all trade union federations in Nicaragua, and to send a delegation to Nicaragua;
• to challenge TUC support for the
Tand reactionary CUS as the ICFTU affiliate in Nicaragua.
This last question is an important opener we can use to reveal the can of worms that the TUC's International Department, especially as Ron Todd now chairs the TUC's International Committee. Denial THERE IS NOTHING... HEINBERGES
The