alliance against the Republicans
TUC unions have not lifted a finger to fight British employers - least of all in solidarity with South African Blacks,
One struggle which has got underway however is the light by Portsmouth health workers who are refusing to handle South African food for hospital canteens. Despite massive management pressure, including a £10 per week cut in pay. they have held firm, and won support from hospital drivers.
The success of the Dunnes strike .. • Anglo-Irish Accord THE London/Dublin inter-Gov-
ernmental Accord of November 1985 (the Hillsborough Agreement) is paradox. It
represents both a considerable
setback for the National libera-
tion struggle in Ireland - but
also a recognition by British im-
perialism of the power of that
struggle. It also signals the start
of a new phase of imperialism
in relation to Ireland.
There is no question but that Sinn
Fein's growth in recent years → its
judicious mixture of "the Armalite
and the ballot box" , its turn towards
socialism, the ground it has gained
from the SDLP - has been the factor
that finally drove the British Govern-
ment to negotiate with Dublin. Pro-
bably the decision to negotiate an
agreement was taken in principle by
Britain two or even three years ago,
but Thatcher had to wait for the ac-
cession to power of the present Fine
Gael/Labour coalition in the Twenty-
six County Republic before the pro-
cess of talks could begin.
Both the present and the previous
Reagan Administrations have been
putting continuous pressure on That-
cher to arrive at an accord with
Dublin. The Americans hope such an
agreement would:
• break the Republic's constitutional
commitment to Irish unity regardless
of the Unionist position;
and tenacity of the Portsmouth health workers should be a sharp reminder of what could be done in the workplaces throughout Britain if the trade union leadership decided to mobilise solidarity against apartheid.
It is only by our actions in fighting Botha's allies in the British government and British multinationals, by the fight for genuine class action. that the British workers' movement can prove itself to South African workers.
• • • By Eileen Jacobs
•by implication weaken the 26 Counties commitment to neutrality
(thereby making it easier to bring the
whole island within the inner orbit of
Imperialism);
•soften damaging criticism of Bri-
tain from other Western European
countries, members of NATO and the
EEC:
• and divide the Irish-American pro-
Nationalist lobby, weakening the
public expression in the US of hostili-
ty to British imperialism.
With the appearance of Garret Fit-
zgerald's present coalition in Ireland,
the scene was set for negotiating a
settlement. Thatcher's Government
now had the opportunity it had been
seeking to maintain partition via the
compliance of Dublin rather than via
the Unionist veto, and in this way to
distance itself from Loyalism.
The leadership of Fine Gael
wanted to destroy the constitutional
commitment to a 32-County Republic
and to come to some kind of accom-
modation with Britain in order to br-
Ing the 26 Counties into ever-closer
alignment with the imperialist powers
of the US and the Western European
states. They saw an accord with
Westminster as a vote-catching
distraction from the coalition's str-
ingent economic austerity measures,
which have made it so unpopular with
the working and middle classes of the
26 Counties. Socialist Viewpoint No. 10 February 1985 pl8
• Direct trade union action to block trade, transport and communications to and from South Africal British shop unions follow the Dunne's strikers example! • Direct links between British and South African workplace union bodies! • Unmask the British firms profiteering from the superexploita. tion of black workers in South Africa!
Reagan's Administration saw at least a realistic chance seriously to
weaken the National liberation strug
gle in Ireland and to strengthen the
hand of the most pro-imperialist
elements in the Republic. In addi-
tion, by promoting a deal which ap-
pears to provide redress for many Na-
tionalist grievances in the Six Coun
ties while portraying Sinn Fein as
"Marxists" , the Reagan Administra-
tion hopes to divide the Irish-
American community, splitting the
more radical elements (represented
in Congress by Mario Biaggi's Ad
Hoc Committee on Irish Affairs, with
considerable grassroots support)
from the "concerned conservatives"
led by the "Friends of Ireland" (such
luminaries as Edward Kennedy and
Daniel Patrick Moynihan).
Following a break in London/Dub-
lin talks after Thatcher's abrupt rejec-
tion of all the main proposals put for-
ward in the 1984 New Ireland Forum
Report, White House pressure helped
to ensure a resumption of negotia-
tions culminating in the Accord.
It should now be clear that British
imperialism has opted, by signing
the agreement, to take its remain-
ing money "off the Orange horse"
and put it on the consensus politi-
cians of the Dail and SDLP.
The hostility and contempt with
which Thatcher has treated the initial
Loyalist backlash and the speed with
which Tom King was forced to
apologise for his anti-Dublin gaffe in
early December (he'd alleged that the Dublin government had accepted that there was no foreseeable prospect of a united Ireland) show that the alleged tender concern of Tories and British capitalism for the Unionists is so much hogwash.
The very fact that the Agreement was negotiated secretly, without any reference to the population of the Six Counties, and is to be run by semisecret meetings of Government ministers and by civil servants fact which has caused such fury among all sections of Loyalists - Indicates how little regard imperialism really has for Loyalist "rights"
There can be little doubt that, were the Government of the 26-County Republic formally to agree to put the 26 Counties into some kind of "EEC Defence Union" (thereby effectively bringing the whole island under the aegis of NATO), Britain would agree to a 32-County Ireland within an EDU and would undertake formal political withdrawal without delay. Jnder such circumstances the Unionists would effectively have no veto.
Such a British withdrawal would cost imperialism no loss of face and would strengthen it strategically.
Michael Mates, MP, head of the Commons inter-party committee on Irish affairs, has described the South's neutrality as "the major problem" preventing the Unionists from agreeing to a united Ireland - but whether he really means the Unionists or whether he means instead the British government is open to question. Cabinet Minutes of the first Attlee Government make it clear that defence has been the main reason for retaining the 6-County statelet within the United Kingdon.
The March 1985 Issue of Sanity. CND's magazine, reported:
"The whole island of Ireland is regarded by NATO and the US as strategically vital... The Republic. supposedly neutral, already allows NATO access to strategic facilities such as ports... In the event of conventional or 'limited' nuclear war in Europe. planned strategic functions for Northern Ireland include the use of airfields as part of the Atlantic airbridge', bringing troops and equipment from the US, as well as the basing or staging of nuclear-armed bombers."
Since the curent Fitzgerald coalition came to power, the Fine Gael
- brushed aside by Thatcher Socialist Viewpoint No. 10 February 1985 pl9
Ministers for Defence and Foreign Affairs have made it clear that they would favour Irish membership of an EEC Defence Union; and Fitzgerald has taken no steps to dissociate himself from them.
It comes as no surprise, therefore, to find an Anglo-Irish intergovernmental delegation preparing to fly to Washington DC in early 1986 to discuss with the White House, the State Department and the Friends of Ireland"" Congressional group ar "aid" package of one billion dollars for both the Six Counties and the 26 Counties.
In the short and medium term, British imperialism, represented by the Tories, the Alliance and the Labour Front Bench, is backing the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party) to work out some kind of power-sharing arrangement with the Unionists in the context of increased economic and security co-operation with the South. The aim is effectively to weaken Sinn Fein so that responsibility for economic and social affairs can once again be devolved to the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Should devolution on these terms prove impossible (as is likely), then the Agreement allows the Republic's government to put forward proposals tor major British legislation and major British policy changes "where the interests of the minority community are concerned". This "safety-net provision gives Thatcher a propaganda advantage; whatever happens as regards devolution, she can claim that she has done all possible to advarice the cause of economic and social harmonization in Ireland.
Given the Unionist reaction to the Agreement, the prospect of devolution is remote. Much more likely is a scenario in which Britain agrees to cosmetic social changes in the Six
Couties which appear to benefit the Nationalist community changes In the Northern Ireland Flags and Emblems Act, increased grants to government bodies set up to combal discrimination, possibly even electoral boundary changes and the terms of reference of the radical improvement in policing and Defence Regiment). without Judicial policy and practice.
Even if strong representations were to be made by the 26 Government at the intergovernmental Conference meetings on such sub jects as the use of paid perjurers ("supergrasses"), plastic dawn raids, the strip-searching of women prisoners, non-jury and the denial of political status to IRA and INLA prisoners, the British Government would refuse to consider them.
Of course, the policy change which would benetit the Nationalist community — the swift, total and unconditional withdrawal of Britain from Ireland - cannot even be raised by the Republic's Government at the conference meetings. At the second conference meeting on 30 December 1985, the British Government rejected Dublin's proposals for changes in the use of uncorroborated informers' evidence in the "Diplock" (non-jury) courts, though there is now press speculation that there may be some cosmetic changes. Britain has also expressed strong reservations about allowing judges from the South to sit even in these courts.
Not that Dublin is exactly pressing hard for sweeping changes in security and judicial practice: • the Republic's Supreme Court has already narrowed the political crime defence against extradition; •the Fitzgerald Government has a record of attacks on civil liberties comparable to Thatcher's; •and, when 18 leading members of Sinn Fein were arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act on 28 December, response was that it would be "quite inappropriate" to comment on dard police procedure" in the North
It is in the area of security" that Britain stands to gain most in the short and medium term. It is no coincidence that. time since 1981, a substantial number of extra troops are being sent to the Six Counties, to patrol the areas and supervise the building of police stations bombed by the IRA and that the heads of the RUC and the Gardal (the Republic's pollce) have recently held their first joint meeting for over a year.
"Cross-border security" is a polite expression for continually increasing co-operation between the British and the Republic's police and army, for Dublin turning a blind eye to "standard" RUC procedures for ordinated clampdown on the IRA and
INLA and, (such as Six Counties and Britain. Ulster possible. This would enable the ex- far tradition of North for trial. Counties' legistion Will be riy Counties will bullets ment making courts of be course, Democratic Unionist Party — to do so would render probably take some steps to appear to paramilitaries, signed. scope of the outrages by Orange and held groups, Dublin's official civil disobedience" (in the form "stan- physical attacks buildings and "cross-border summer in the for the first of 1974 will fail. Strike border Orange fear, much brought meetings. a co-
above all, for the likely outlawing of Sinn Fein as a legitimate political party in the 26 Counties, the
Implicit in the phrase is the Fitz- demned gerald Government's agreement to sign the European Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism as soon as
more "terrorist" suspects from the Republic to the
Any success by Sinn Fein in the forthcoming by-elections in the Six
Censure that Jor be rushed through both the Dail and the British Parlia
Sinn Fein an illegal organisation. No such measures will,
taken against the Orange Lodges, the UDA or Paisley's Itself In
Othe Six Counties ungovernable for practical purposes - but the British Government will control the flow of arms to the Loyalist
which has already swelled since the Agreement was
Alliance the long run,
This will not stop a rise in sectarian paration y in Loyalist intimidation isolated Nationalists and in Unionist
Cof government representatives, methods. sporadic work walkouts and rent/rate strikes and big street battles next
marching season"").
Thatcher knows however that any attempt to rerun the Ulster Workers'
Loyalist paramilitary action will be the most national potent and enduring expression of
resentment and chauvinism. We can expect to see
more covert laison at grassroots level between the paramilitaries and RUC/UDR members frustrated by even the minimal changes in conditions of membership and operation
about by the Conference
A change of government on either side of the Irish Sea in the next year or two is not unfortunately likely to Socialist Viewpoint No. 10 February 1985 p20
mean the end of the Acoord. Charies Haughey and the Fianna Fail Party may have voted against the Agree ment in the Dail and correctly con-
It as destroying the republic's constitutional commitment to end partition, but they will find it difficult in practice to break the im perialist stranglehold which the Accord represents.
Treaties registered with the UN and the EEC are not easily abrogated by liberal-democratic capitalist govern ments without the backing of the ma
imperialist powers. Moreover Haughey himself put his name to the 1984 New Ireland Forum Report which proposed "unification by consent" as the ideal solution for Ireland A Fianna Fail government would find
Othe same economic ditficulties as the Fitzgerald coalition; and attempts to solve these would be Its first priority.
A Labour government in Britain Is likely to confine itself to reforms of a "civil liberties" nature in the Six Counties (for example, ending the strip-searching of women prisoners] unless the labour movement makes a massive effort on the issue of Ireland over the next 18 months. An
government or an Alliance/Labour coalition would do even less, merely stepping up the number of cosmetic changes made.
Even if driven underground. Sinn Fein, as the most advanced section of the national liberation movement, will continue to grow in strength and influence after a temporary setback and despite practical difficulties. In
Nationalists will increasingly desert the SDLP as its colusion with imperialism becomes more apparent. As tar as the military strug gie is concerned, increased state security measures may hold down the IRA in the border areas for a period of months, but in the long term are unlikely to do more than dent the IRA's armour. It is worth quoting the than Doulas Hurdles then I tol
Douglas Hurd, "When I took over from Jim Prior, I could hardly bring myself to believe that the TRA had become so sophisticated in its
The Accord. as an tempt to destroy Sinn Fein, will fail in the long run.
It is the job of British supporters of the Irish liberation struggle to increase publicity and education about the partition of Ireland, the need for
liberation and the true nature of the Accord, to offer Sinn Fein where possible a chance to make their voice heard in Britain and to fight within the labour movement against any attempt to ban it as a legitimate political organisation.
A titanic task therefore awaits the hard left of the labour movement and rank and file working class activists The long series of capitulations to the Tories by the official leadership of the labour movement (with their history of support for imperialism) and the
What the agreement says
desertions to Kinnock's ranks by the soft left has rendered the rea isolated to a considerable extent on the Irish issue. Over and above this, Increasing deployment of police and military force in Britain by the That- cher Government, coupled with the dally barrage of imperialist terror" propaganda In the media. has already done much to create a climate of fear among work- ing class people. In such a climate. racism and fascism flourish and a government can hope to push ahead with wholesale ellmination of existing civil liberties, mass imprisonment of Its leading opponents and gross in- timidation of minority ethnic groups. 1986 is probably the last chance for years for the hard left to challenge and break the imperialist practice and ideology of the labour movement leadership, not only with regard to the Irish struggle but also with regard to the Palestinians' national liberation fight, repression of radical peace ac. tivists and solidarity movements in the NATO countries. It may be the last chance to in- tervene decisively in the Labour ARTICLE 1 If and when the "majority of the people of Northern Ireland" formally consent to the establishment of a united Ireland, the two governments will introduce and support legislation to bring it about. ARTICLE 2 Sets up an inter-govern- mental Conference to deal with political, security, legal and judicial matters and the promotion of cross- border co-operation. It says that in the event of devolution the Republic's Government will put forward views and proposals on matters outside the scope of the NI Assembly. ARTICLE 3 Says the Conference shall meet at Ministerial or official level regularly with frequent Ministerial meetings and provision for the attendence of advisers such as the Chief Constable of the RUC and the
left the ever "anti- British Commissioner of the Garda Siochana (the Republic's police force). ARTICLE 4 Spells out both Governments' commitment to devolution in NI "on a basis which would secure widespread acceptance throughout the community" and says that at the Conference the Republic's Government "may put forward views and proposals on the modalities (sic) of bringing about devolution... in so far as they relate to the interests of the minority commuity. ARTICLE 5 Covers measures to accommodate the rights and identities of the two communities, to protect human rights and to prevent discrimination, tor example changes in electoral arrangements and the use of flags and emblems. ARTICLE 6 Says the Government of the Republic may use Socialist Viewpoint No. 10 February 1985 p21
BALLYMUNEY DIPSAYNO the Conference to make proposals on the role and composition of such bodies as the Fair Employment Agency and the Police Authority for Northern Ireland.
ARTICLE 7 Says the Conference shall consider security policy, relations between security forces and the community and prisons policy.
ARTICLE 8 Says the Conference shall consider harmonising areas of the criminal law applying in the North and in the South.
ARTICLE 9 Covers cross-border cooperation on security, including a programme to deal with threat assessments, exchange of information, liaison structures, technical cooperation, personnel training and operation resources. But the
Conference shall have no operational responsibilities. ARTICLE 10 Covers economic co- operation in those areas of both parts of Ireland deemed to have suffered most over the last 16 years. ARTICLE 11 Provides that at the end of 3 years from signature or earlier if asked by either Government, the working of the Conference shall be reviewed by the two governments. ARTICLE 12 Says the two parliaments will have to decide whether to set up an Anglo-Irish parliamentary body, to which the two governments would give support "as appropriate". ARTICLE 13 Says the Accord enters into force once the two Governments have notified their acceptance.
Party's policy-making on Ireland (see below) and to educate and agitate not only at rank and file level within the labour movement but among those sections of the working class not organised within the movement. What needs to be done? During the next few months. Working Party of the Labour Party NEC will publish a Policy Statement on Ireland It is likely that there will be a Majority Report and a Minority Report, with the Majority Report supporting the Agreement and calling for cross-border harmonization of services and the economy, leading eventually to political unification by consent (in 50 years' time?).
The Minority Report will be based on the submission of the Labour Committee analyses the causes and effects of par- on Ireland (LCI),
fition and calls for early withdrawal
under a Labour Government.
Statement will be discussed and final-
Conterence. voted on al Labour
Get resolutions through
CLPs and affiliated union branches
to annual Party Conference suppor
ting the LCI's position and
minority report based on it.
Back up resolutions with letters to
the local, national and labour move-
ment press which could include and
publicity. eafletting campaigns. LCI members
must take an active part in discus-
sions locally and nationally.
cluding the AGM, aimed at produc-
ing the most effective labour move-
ment campaign on the Policy State-
ment, culminating
Conference. They must also discuss and initiate
broader educational-publicity cam-
paigns in conjunction with organisa-
tons such as the Troops Out Move
ment to reach and inform the many
traditional no-jury Belfast court.
"murder").
labour a Thatcher - prompied by Reagan which organised labour movement. The Party your ties who any general public, the Irish community and plenty of other minorities. in- les anc Party at threat. possible. millions of working class people who reality of Irish partition and the IRISH Foreign Minister Peter Barry has joined with British Northern Ireland Secretary Tom King in condemning the present hunger strike by jailed members of the Irish National Liberation Army and Irish Republican Socialist One of these courageous republicans is joining the hunger strike each week to protest their innocence. So far the hunger strikers are Bobby Tohill, with 24 others on the word of "supergrass" Harry Kirkpatrick given to the ship of the INLA to alleged killings of police/army personnel (cited as As repression continues under the newfangled Accord, 18 members of Sinn Fein have been arrested by the RUC without charge, among them Martin MacGuiness, abstentionist Assemblyman for Derry. These arrests have con- centrated on party activists rather than the military wing. However, of those arrested, Seamus Cassidy has subsequently been charg ed with possession of an explosive substance — a Brit Army flare/ The arrests are an obvious attempt to disrupt Sinn Fein's campaign in the January 23 by- elections for the 15 parliamentary seats vacated by Unionist MPs.
Irish an appeal. cases British are not easily accessible through the In the immediate future, it is very important to form links with trade Ireland union and working class activists, also women's groups, In both the Six Counties and the Iwenty-Six Con- on Bloody agitating against the organise Agreement, and to have them in Bri- tain on speaking tours aimed at Trade Unions, Labour Party Branches and or Labour especially other ethnic Labour Committee on Ireland and Iroops Out Branches should make every attempt to have Sinn Fein Councillora and members to speak at public meetings, to counteract media state Intimidation and to show solidarity with the advanced section of the Irish liberation move: ment at a time when it is under grave Even If a Sinn Fein speaker is not public organise meeting in your area to expose the itself. Socialist Viewpoint No. 10 February 1985 p22
Hillsborough Accord.
The trial has begun of Dr Maire O'Shea, and others, on charges of conspiracy to cause explosions - a major state attempt to intimidate the
community and discredit organisations campaigning for civil rights and British withdrawal from Ireland. Even if the worst happens and Maire is sentenced, we must go on building support for her, around
Despite criticisms many socialists would raise on the the politics and methods of the INLA, the current campaign of INLA prisoners and their relatives for a review of the
- which included hunger strikes — must be given publicity in order to draw attention to the use of paid informers' evidence in non-jury courts in the Six Counties and the
Government's continuing refusal to grant political status to convicted prisoners who have been ac. tive in the liberation struggle.
We must build immediately for a large and successful demonstration on Sunday February 2 in London. to demand British withdrawal from
Tand commemorate the civilians shot dead by British troops
Sunday 1972. Help to transport and publicity: details are available from the LCI.
Finally, those who are Trade Union
Party members should
send the following model resolution
without delay to the Labour Party
National Executive Working Pary
on Ireland (it can go direct from
CLPs, union branches if affiliated
women's Regional Committees, and
throuch the LPTS:
"This ...... rejects any return to
bipartisanship over the London/Dublin
Accord (the Hillsborough Agreement)
which the British Government intends
to lodge at the United Nations with
President Reagan's approval because:
a) the Accord tries to legitimise the
Partition of Ireland in internationai
b) the Accord is another thinly
disguised attempt at an internal
settlement in the Six Counties, albeit
with the Dublin Government allowed
to make suggestions:
c) the Accord will mean a worsening
of oppression aimed at Irish
d) the Accord contemptuously Nationalists:
dismisses the demands of the
Nationalist community which has
suffered British repression for sixteen
years, and refuses to recognise their
elected representatives:
e) the Accord will be an obstacle to
Labour's goal of a united Ireland. not
a step towards it:
f) the only solution to the misery
suffered by millions of working class
people in Ireland is an end to partition
and the gerrymandered Six County
statelet by an early and unconditional
British military and political
withdrawal this is the policy to
which the Labour Party should commit