SEPTEMBER 11, 1997 - a significant date in the struggle to liberate our beloved Scottish homeland from the Saxon yoke.
Certainly Wallace's victory at Stirling Bridge in 1297 is so remembered. The victorious referendum of 1997 which paves the way for a new Scottish Parliament has a less certain future.
We have been here before. In 1979 not only had we a Yes vote in the referendum, we actually had an Act of Parliament signed by the Queen which specified the powers of the Scottish Parliament and a timetable to set it up. This time round there is only a White Paper. As we are wont to say "there's mony a slip twixt cup and lip".
Despite the referendum being a cowardly invention of Blair and Mandelson which was rightly castigated by all parties in Scotland, the actual result has been positive.
In 1979 51.6 per cent voted for a parliament - in 1997 74.3 per cent voted yes. In 1979 there was no possibility of powers to vary income tax - in 1997 64 per cent voted in favour of such powers.
In 1979 the parliament was denied due to a wrecking clause demanding 40 per cent of the electorate (not people voting) support the parliament, only 32.8 per cent voted in favour. In 1997 there was no such requirement.
However, even with an out of date electoral register which effectively disenfranchised around 10 per cent of the electorate, 44.4 per cent of those on the register voted for a Parliament.
At least a third more Scots have shown they favour a Parliament in 1997 than in 1979. In part this reflects the bitterness of the denial of a Parliament in '79.
Since '79 the Scots have been politically oppressed within the UK. Thatcher's backing was final kiss of death for No campaigners The democratic deficit which has existed since at least 1712 began once more to look like active contempt towards the Scots in the 1980s.
The depth of anger over Thatcher's decision to introduce the Poll Tax in Scotland one year earlier than England cannot be overestimated.
Perhaps the single most stupid event during the Referendum was the No campaign's decision to bring Thatcher to Scotland 2 days before the vote. This served to remind people why they wanted to make their own laws rather than have them imposed from Westminster.
In 1979 the SNP whilst in the end calling for a Yes vote, didn't campaign for the Assembly. What was on offer in 1979 was Devolution, a clearly subordinate body to Westminster. What is described in the White Paper is a more substantial body - a Scottish Parliament. At least 550,000 SNP voters voted Yes in 1997.
Labour also was split in '79 -Brian Wilson now a Scottish Of fice minister led the No campaign. Whilst many in Scottish Labour remain unionists, they realise & substantial part of the Party would switch to SNP if Labour didn't deliver on its promises for a Parliament. Labour this time was united behind the Yes campaign -- doubters reluctantly accepted that this was the best defence of the union.
So Labour claim the Parlia ment will at the one time extend democracy, devolve power and defend the union while the SNP hail it as a major step on the road to independence for Scotland.
These conflicting views were subdued during the campaign -when all parties within the Yes campaign were being careful not to give negative images. Immediately the results were in ritual denunciations of SNP by Labour, led by Brian Wilson, began as normal.
Most commentatore post-.. referendum believe the Parliament will inevitably become the focus for politics in Scotland, that rising stars' will target Edinburgh rather than Westminster, inevitably powers will move to the Scottish Parliament at the expense of Westminster ... that in effect the SNP are right.
Already evidence points to the correctness of this analysis. Donald Dewar is openly tipped as Scottish Premier, many other MPs have declared their preference for Edinburgh - the jockeying for seats is on and will intensify.
The end of the United Kingdom is in sight - brought about by Blair, the most centralist politician We neveseen.
What then are the Powers promised to the Parliament?
Like the Welsh Parliament, the Scottish Parliament will have power over the colonial office budget (read Scottish Office and Welsh Office). In Scotland's case this amounts to: £14,000,000,000 per annum. This is 5 times the budget of the ex-Strathclyde Council. Unlike the Welsh Parliament, or Councils (even a Parish Council to which Blair likened its sovereign powers) - the Scottish Parliament will be a legislative body. It can make law.
• The health service will be controlled from Edinburgh - it could abolish private medicine, remove competition, properly fund the service.
• The Scottish Parliament will have total control over Education. They could end student loans and properly fuad grants. Independent and grant aided schools could be abolished and overall provision extended.
• In terms of Local Government everything will be under Scottish control other than borrowing consent. It could reorganise, add powers, free most fiscal constraints - giant local tax pow• Edinburgh can alter income tax by 3p in the pound. It can also control business rate and change local taxes, create new taxes, abolish some others.
These are a flavour for the powers which could be exercised by the Parliament - they clearly could have significant beneficial effects for Scottish people if the parliament acts in the peoples interest. This depends on the programme and policies of the parties. The Scottish Socialist Alliance (SSA) has an extensive range of policies which it will advocate the Parliament should adopt and which it will demand other parties implement.
The UK and Blair have not reneged all power. The Bill has still to be published and restrictions could be made to restrict for example the likelihood of those from left groups being elected. Furthermore, the drafting of powers may proscribe Acts seen as attacking business. In the main this is done through reserved powers retained by Westminster.
Westminster intends to retain control over Foreign Policy; so called National Defence - i.e. troops will be available to suppress restless natives including Scots. UK fiscal economic and monetary policy, company law, social security policy and many others which will be added will remain under the control of London.
Conflicts
Although anything not listed in the Bill will be deemed to be in the powers of the Scottish Parliament, there will be many conflicting issues. Some of these are already clear.
The White Paper proposes an electoral scheme based on Parliamentary and European boundaries. If these change the number of members in Edinburgh would reduce.
Other than for the first election this formula must be changed to ensure an adequate number of representatives is maintained. If UK income tax were reduced, the grant to the Scottish parliament would fall more than proportionately. Demand for greater fiscal autonomy will grow.
The major conflict will relate to Europe. Essentially Blair wishes to join the single currency and argue for UK Financial and business interests in Europe. Having corporate control of the state and leaving local issues to the Scots may free his hand.
Scots opposition to the European Union is high and can only grow. The SNP whilst supporting the EU is demanding "a place at the table".
They will not be satisfied with some minor third party influence on regional policy. Meanwhile the Socialist Alliance and other socialists will demand the Scottish Parliament take the powers to oppose the Bosses' Europe -particularly during the coming slump and austerity round.
September 11 was only the start, the fight for liberation - of humanity including the Scots - will intensify for the foreseeable future.