WITH A LABOUR Prime Minister addressing the TUC for the first time in two decades what does the trade union movement need from the new government? GREG TUCKER, from the RMT Executive gave some views. WHATEVER else we might want in terms of social policy, in particular real movement toquire two things - a reversal of wards full employment, we reprivatisation and the repeal of the Tories anti-trade union laws.
Unfortunately, privatisation seems to be continuing, though dressed up differently, as "Public Private Partnership". And Tony Blair remains committed to keeping the Tory laws. The trade union movement needs to make it impossible for Labour to continue to ignore our needs.
We are demanding change, not out of some blind dogmatism, or to make life easier for us, but because the combined effect of privatisation and anti union laws directly threatens to destroy our lives.
Rail workers are increasingly concerned that a major rail accident is waiting to happen. With the railways fully privatised, conditions for rail workers have been progressively deteriorating. With responsibility for the system treated like a game of pass the parcel, it is only a matter of time before we face another Clapham or Kings Cross. Rail workers' lives are daily being threatened, passengers may also be at risk.
Instead of the improvements promised by the Tories, privatised rail has meant increased fares now the most expensive in the world - and worse services as old, clapped-out stock runs over poorly maintained lines.
Rail unions need to develop a strategy which can protect their members in the new climate. But they are faced with obstacles set out at every turn by eighteen years RMT confronted the Tories, but must still battle against anti-union laws under Labour action ballots have now been held in a majority of the train operating companies.
But again, rather than one national dispute, over 40 separate ballots have been necessary. And, of course, for each one it is required that full records of all to be balloted have to be passed on to the company. Arriving at a position where industrial action is even possible has taken months of preparation and jumping through legal hoops.
Despite these hurdles the RMT is committed to taking action. It is vital that is effective. For whilst there are many jobs under threat, removing the guards' safety role will also put the public at risk.
Track Maintenance In the other, less obvious, side of the rail system problems are equally intense.
A handful of major building contractors are now responsible for track and signalling maintenance. They, in turn, are subcontracting out their work.
Within the last year, track workers have found themselves being moved from company to company. Each move has made it harder to defend working conditions. In some cases workers, who all started out working for British Rail, have ended up in short term contracts for companies with only half a dozen employees. This fragmentation has been used to hide drastic cuts in maintenance schedules. Even where work is still formally requisitioned the new contractors are forcing their workers to cut corners. Lax safety standards have been the result. Whilst individuals are being threatened, the companies have so far been let off scot free. Labour is talking about increasing the powers of the rail regulator -but not at least until next year and only if parliamentary time can be found. Even then their proposals will do very little to protect rail workers and rail users.
Serious incidents are regularly being covered up. Rail workers have lost their lives, and it is only a matter of time before passengers become involved as well. But most workers are scared of blowing the whistle.
In one example this year, an RMT activist who had helped expose one serious incident was subsequently sacked on trumped up charges. Defending him through "legal" channels proved impossible, not least because to ballot his fellow workers required over a dozen separate ballots.
Even then some of his closest colleagues were potentially to be involved in "secondary action" such is the complexity of rail company ownership.
While the laws remain as they are the bosses will always be able to play around with contracts and formal ownership to stop legal industrial action.
Longer Hours Rail workers have always worked long hours. This year things have gone from bad to worse.
New contracts are being imposed, some by introducing personal contracts with widely varying pay and conditions, some through the collusion of the other rail unions. Rostered shifts of 11 or 12 hours a day for 6 days in a week have become commonplace.
For drivers this is particularly dangerous. At least one operating company is now being investigated by the Health & Safety Executive, despite the fact that the majority drivers' union has ganged up with the company to try to gag any complaints from its own local Health & Safety representatives.
In another company a deal has been agreed where drivers will work 11 hours a day, 13 days out of 14 for two months over the summer. Woe betide any passenger on the last day of the deal, when any driver faces losing £3,000 if he or she goes off sick.
These attacks are going on in the core sectors, where workers still retain some industrial strength. For others the situation is far worse. Cleaning, catering and other unskilled sectors are being contracted out to ruthless anti-union employers.
With a high staff turnover most workers fail to have the two years service necessary to gain even the minimum of personal protection. The companies are prepared to buy out any former BR worker with generous redundancy packages, leaving the rest unorganised and unprotected.
The RMT is launching campaigns to try to win recognition in these new companies. It is clear this will be a hard fight.
One major part of the rail network remains in the public sector - London Underground. But here too, the pressure is on to privatise. track maintenance work. ries' Private Finance Initiative is a its name. Now dressed up as "Pub-