Italian left
The Fifth Congress of the Italian Partito della Rifondazione Communista (PRC) took place in Rimini from 4 – 7 April 2002. SORAYA LAWRENCE and NICK WRACK report:
The PRC’s red flags with the party emblem welcomed delegates. Throughout the proceedings huge screens surrounding the massive conference hall displayed images of oppression and resistance past and present from the civil rights and anti- Vietnam protests of the 60s to the anti-globalisation demos in Genoa. Scenes of police and state brutality contrasted with strikes and the Intifada.
It was a tremendously inspirational event. The impact of the upheavals in Italian politics at present, with the Italian working class preparing for a clash with the Berlusconi government, was reflected in all aspects of the congress.
The debate was carried out in terms of revolution, with references to Marx, Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, Lenin and Trotsky. The PRC leader, Fausto Bertinotti opened the Congress explaining, "There is a new opportunity for the transformation of society. We have to build an alternative movement against war and against neo-liberalism. The idea of revolution is necessary."
The Congress took place against the background of a prolonged period of growing social and political unrest, beginning with the low point of Berlusconi’s election in May 2001 that was almost immediately followed by the mass protests in Genoa in June. The state murder of young Carlo Giuliani provoked a massive wave of protest. There have been huge demonstrations against the war in Afghanistan. In January 200,000 marched in Rome against racist immigration legislation.
Protests against the government’s attacks on workers’ rights culminated in the demonstration of 3 million in Rome on 23 March 2002, the biggest demonstration in Western Europe for half a century. All eyes are now on the general strike that has been called by the three main trade union confederations for 16 April.
A number of themes dominated the Congress deliberations both in the formal debates and the discussion outside. The "movement of movements" as the Italian comrades call the coalition of forces involved in the anti-capitalist protests, especially the demonstrations in Genoa last June, has affected all aspects of political life in Italy.
The attitude of the PRC has been to turn dramatically and decisively to this movement with the result that the PRC has managed to overcome some of the hostility towards "parties" and appears to be an accepted part of the movement. "Another world is possible" was a constant refrain throughout the congress.
The second major theme was the party’s anti-war stance. Some of the biggest demonstrations against the war in Afghanistan have taken place in Italy with the active participation of the PRC. A central part of this theme at the Congress was its absolute condemnation of the state terror being carried out against the Palestinian masses and support for their struggle.
Perhaps the most immediate and pressing subject for debate was the response of the working class to the attack by the Berlusconi government on workers’ rights. Berlusconi is intent on abolishing Article 18 of the Italian labour statutes, which protects workers from arbitrary sackings. As seen by the demonstration on 23 March the reaction has been overwhelming.
Art 18 only applies to workers in workplaces with 15 or more workers. However, the clear call from the party leadership and the ranks is to involve every worker, student, unemployed person and pensioner in the general strike with the aim of closing down Italy for the day. More than this, the party calls for the protection of Art 18 to be extended to every worker, regardless of the size of their workplace, whether they are casual or permanent.
Participation in the Social Forums and the other anti-capitalist activities has not only invigorated sections of the party, with the Young Communists claiming to have grown, but has also provoked a major discussion about how the party should relate to the ‘movement of movements’.
The party leadership around Fausto Bertinotti has turned the PRC towards the social movements and argues that this global anti-capitalism is central to the work of the party, including its work in defence of the working class and labour rights. In this the leadership are fundamentally correct. By turning to the social movements, the anti-war protests and now, despite coming under tremendous hostile criticism in the press, in support of the Palestinian struggle, the majority has ensured that the PRC has placed itself centrally within the growing protest movements, rather than simply issuing ‘guidance’ from the sidelines.
The majority orientation was challenged fundamentally by the minority opposition led by Marco Ferrando and Franco Grisolia. This opposition was itself not entirely homogeneous, being comprised of some Trotskyist groups as well as some adherents of Stalinist currents. Its main objection seemed to be that the PRC was dissolving itself in the social movements. In this they showed a remarkable lack of understanding about the impact that the ‘movement of movements’ has had on events in Italy over the last nine months.
While making formally correct criticisms, their position appeared mainly to be one of counterpoising propagandist programmatic demands while criticising the involvement of the PRC in the social movements. This set them apart from the new arenas of struggle that have developed in every area of Italy and the orientation that the PRC has adopted. So, their criticisms appeared abstract and could be dismissed by the majority speakers, especially Bertinotti, as being removed from the concrete struggles taking place. The labour movement, the anti-war movement and the protests in support of Palestinian rights have all been strengthened by the social movements.
On the other hand, there is no doubt that the position of the leadership around Fausto Bertinotti, while correctly taking the party into the movements and speaking in terms of revolution and the need to forge a new workers’ movement, leaves open and ambiguous its position of quite fundamental issues such as its attitude towards agreement with the Centre-Left and as to what should happen after the General Strike. Unfortunately, the abstract way in which these points were taken up by the speakers for the minority made it easy for the majority to avoid having to give clear answers.
So, while correctly criticising its own previous involvement in supporting the last government of the Centre-Left Olive Tree coalition, which carried out attacks on the working class and neo-liberal policies, further deals with the Centre-Left were not ruled out, especially at local level. This was despite Bertinotti correctly explaining that it was the neo-liberal agenda of the Centre-Left that prepared the way for the return of Berlusconi.
Further, what happens after 16 April was left vague, concentrating on the preparation for a referendum to extend the protection of Art 18 to all workers. In this way it appeared that the emphasis was being placed on the parliamentary arena rather than on the extra-parliamentary. Of course, the two should be combined, but the latter is decisive.
Despite this, Bertinotti was correct in his criticism of the minority when he said that their approach would separate the party from the movement.
One of the most striking features of Bertinotti’s two speeches to the Congress was the clear denunciation of Stalinism: "Stalinism is incompatible with Communism", he repeated. The PRC, he said, must do away with the history of oppression and Stalinism. It must reject any form of authoritarianism. He pointed out that it was not just that Stalinism was not democratic, but that it was not socialist. It had denied the emancipation of men and women which socialism would bring. He pointed out that under Stalin all the leaders of the October Revolution were killed.
This was a continuation of the theme of "refoundation" which has been ongoing since the party began in 1991 but was stated more starkly than at any previous Congress. It was clearly trying to deal with the party’s Stalinist past of the old PCI and with that part of the PRC that still adheres to the worst part of its traditions.
In the final votes on the different positions put to Congress the majority won 87.5% of the vote with 12.5% for the minority. Within the majority there is an opposition centred around Claudio Grassi, representing the main right-wing Stalinist grouping which won 25% for its amendments to the majority theses.
The comrades in Bandiera Rossa, the Italian section of the FI, are a part of the majority, giving support to the orientation of the PRC towards the social movements. However, because they made no open criticism of the deficiencies in the majority approach, not even submitting amendments to the Majority theses, they appeared to have no independent impact at Congress. This is despite having a number of comrades in the party leadership as part of the majority. Whilst supporting the majority orientation towards the social movements a clear revolutionary programme linked to the struggles should be advanced. The seemingly uncritical support from Bandiera Rossa allows the majority to get away with its lack of clarity about what is to done.
One interesting feature of the Congress was an afternoon given over to invited representatives of other ‘movements’ or campaigns. These included trade unionists, ATTAC Italy, a speaker for Palestine, a representative of the women’s movement and Vittorio Agnoletto, the leader of the Social Forum in Italy who had just returned from Palestine where he had been denied entry.
There were 634 delegates representing 92,000 members. 71% of the delegates were male. There were 68 speakers in the debate out of 154 who wanted to contribute. Speakers in the debate were allowed ten minutes. The majority of speakers seemed to have been called because they represented the alternative positions that had been debated in the pre-Congress period. This meant that although themes could be developed in full fewer delegates could speak and the debate tended to lack spontaneity and failed to give an adequate flavour of what was happening on the ground.
The National Political Committee was reduced from 380 to 135.There can only be a maximum of 60% for either sex on the party’s leading bodies.
Bertinotti expressed concern at the turnover in party membership. Membership stands at 94,000. It has stood at around this figure since the party was established in 1991. However, every year a third of the members leave and are replaced by new ones. Why was it that the party appeared so attractive from the outside, yet was not so welcoming or accommodating once inside, was the question that had to be answered the congress was told. Young people had to be attracted. That meant changing old ways. The young people were on the streets but they would not join the party. It was because we are old-fashioned, said Bertinotti. Notwithstanding this, the Young Communists have grown and established a good name within the ‘movement of movements’.
A special meeting to discuss the European Social Forum was organised for the European delegates. The ESF is to meet in Florence in November or December of 2002. It is proposed that this should also involve countries from the Mediterranean and the whole of Europe. Issues to be discussed will revolve around the slogans "Another Europe is possible" and "A Europe without war". The different delegations present discussed how they were preparing for this event. The Socialist Alliance needs to participate in this process.
There were 139 international delegates from over 90 separate organisations (parties and social movements) covering 53 countries. All were well looked after. There was simultaneous translation throughout the conference through headphones for all the international delegates.
It was extremely important that the SA attended the PRC conference. Not only are they at the forefront of huge class struggle protests they also have a European and global perspective of linking up with the left in other countries. This will have important and potentially profound implications for unifying the left in Europe on social, industrial and parliamentary campaigns.
To this end there has already been a series of meetings of the left parties in Europe and this will continue with a meeting in Madrid later this year. It is essential that the Socialist Alliance is involved in that meeting. There is also the collaboration at the European Parliamentary level through the GUE .
Both of these, in addition to the European Social Forums, give socialists across Europe the opportunity to work together practically on specific issues - as well as trying to work towards a common programme to confront the attacks facing the working class in all European countries.
Peace, international solidarity and the struggle against the neo-liberal agenda of global capitalism are the themes we can join the PRC in promoting. The conference was fascinating both because of the deep and long traditions of Italian communism and because the new movement in Italy, as part of the global trend, had obviously affected and helped invigorate the PRC.
Soraya Lawrence and Nick Wrack attended the PRC conference as part of a delegation from the Socialist Alliance that also included Liz Davies and John Rees. This article is based on the report they wrote for the Socialist Alliance Executive.