Statement of the Nava Sama Samaja Party, Sri Lankan section of the Fourth International THE SIGNING of the memorandum of understanding and the cease-fire between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE (Tamil Tigers) at the end of February 2002, took place at a very specific conjunctural moment of the world political situation. At this time an alternative policy for a negotiated political settlement was permeating the thinking of the LTTE leadership. The world powers have turned their attention from the traditional centres of protest and dissent to the hostilities of the emerging Muslim radicalism and other political rebel groups throughout the world. The US and its allies have not only been involved in civil, political and humanerights violations, but they have also infiltrated other territories to subdue the sovereignty of poor nations.
Within recent history the US and its allies have violated the sovereignty of ex-Yugoslavia for the sake of defending the Kosovar-Albanian national community against the Serbian majority. They recently subdued the sovereign state of Afghanistan as retaliation for the September Il. attack on the Word Trade Centre and the Pentagon.
It is in this context that the previous PA government and its Foreian Minister Kadiragamar were successful in their campaign for the total proscription of the LTTE by the US and Britain. India, of course, has already proscribed the LTTE. the Chandrika and Ranil Wickramasinghe governments but with the US and its allies and the international community. Its has influenced the world body politic due to the specific existence of the Tamil diaspora. Therefore the proscription carried out internationally greatly affected the LTTE. Fortunately, its leadership took a timely decision on their position with regard to "separatism" and "terrorism", and making clear to world opinion their true nature as a liberation movement of the Tamil people.
These concepts were very clearly enunciated by the leader of the LTTE in his speech on the 26 September 2001. Peace and self-rule In this message, the LTTE made very clear what exactly they want. They expressed their wish to live in peace and harmony in their own lands in the North-East region and to establish self-rule without any encumbrances.
Within the context of a globalised market, the concepts of separatism, partition or the formation of a totally independent nation-state are losing ground and almost becoming outdated.
However, at the same time in the present globalisation, diversity and self-identity are of specific importance. Against the ideology of globalisation, the cultural diversity of the nations has to be safeguarded and protected.
The developing countries can only survive as independent nations if there is a possibility within a country or a province or a region, of economic development. We need investment for serious production and growth, for the ability to build an people. across borders. also pose this threat. tlement adopted by the LTTE. be taken seriously. sions that affect both parties. Connivance to invest in health and education for the working Only with such an economic base, could a nation build up its national image and make serious links with the market, within a country and Therefore, it is not only civil wars that threaten the sovereignty of poor countries. The liberalisation policy of the World Bank, the IMF, and the WTO that seeks to open up developing coun tries, and plunder their natural resources, their economies, their financial and labour markets, precedent. Serious conclusions have to be drawn from the above two positions of the world political situation and the alternative policy for a political setThe heavy weight of the political influence of the Bush administration and its Western allies which have created the present scenario, have to That is the reason why in the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), the third party facilitator, the Norwegian Government, eventually turned out to be an arbitrator who could take final deciEast region.
This makes clear that major decisions will only be taken with the support or connivance of the US and the Western powers. That is why we have strong reservations on this matter.
But once the present MoU paves the way for the political dialogue, as both parties have willingly accepted the cease-fire agreement, very ple. valuable preliminary requirements have been The creation of the Monitoring Mission and its terms of reference will pave the way for the demarcation of the lands in the North-East for the Tamil speaking people. The Tamil National Question is half solved if the Sri Lankan government agrees that the question of the lands is the core-problem of the present dispute. A Sinhala army cannot look after the security of the Tamil people. The absorption of the paramilitary groups into the regular army outside the North-East cannot and should not create a Independent forces An independent Tamil regiment and a Police force should be allowed for the security of the Tamil people. Of course, this will be the crux of the problem, which will make clear whether both parties want a genuine resolution of the present conflict.
The aspirations of all the national communities could blossom only in an environment of a union of regions. Therefore a meaningful devolution of power has to be proposed instead of the existing sham. The economic, social, political and cultural rights of the Sinhala and the Muslim communities should be given prime importance in the NorthDespite all these reservations, due to the heavy weight imposed on Southern Asia by the US-led allies, the radical left and the labour movement will stand by the cease-fire agreement, because the LTTE with all the risks involved, has come forward to defend the destiny of the Tamil peo-