ISG 1 agrees on policies for new world situation
The International Socialist Group held its national conference on March 9-10. The key change coming out of the conference was the decision that the ISG should step up its involvement in the anti-capitalist movement and in Globalise Resistance and devote more resources to building itself amongst young people.
This was a successful and upbeat event. Comrades drew on their experiences in the Socialist Alliance, the Scottish Socialist Party and the anti-war movement to draw conclusions about the way forward both for the left as a whole and for the ISG.
The conference united around a single position on British politics and the main document was agreed without dissent. There were some substantive amendments put forward which were supported by a small number of delegates.
The conference also took debates on Ireland and on Palestine, on which we will report in more detail in the next issue.
Here we reproduce the main line report to the conference, presented by Alan Thornett
The world has changed since September 11th: the world’s only super-power is in the hands of the Republican right and is on the rampage – facilitated by the Twin Towers attack. The result is an extremely dangerous world.
Phase One of the so-called "war against terrorism" is still going on, with not only the continuing war in Afghanistan, but also the daily massacre of the Palestinians by Sharon, with Bush backing him to the hilt.
Across the world, those regimes that have supported the Bush/Blair war drive have been given licence to clamp down militarily on their own opponents – Putin for example has been given a free hand in Chechnya.
The US has spread its own military involvement, sending troops to the Philippines, Yemen, Colombia, and Somalia.
All this is accompanied by a massive expansion of the US military budget by $48 billion and a situation where Star wars is getting closer
We have seen a massive attack on civil rights world wide with the suspension of the Geneva Convention and the inhuman conditions in Camp-X-ray. September 11 has brought in its wake new attacks on asylum seekers and increased racism, particularly directed against people presumed to be Arabs.
Across the EU there has been a tightening up of internal controls combined with a huge escalation of security services: CIA, FBI, MI6 and in Britain the introduction of imprisonment without trial in Britain.
In the wake of all that came Bush’s axis of evil speech directed at: Iran, North Korea and Iraq. What has become absolutely clear since that speech is that the US government is preparing for an all-out invasion of Iraq.
Such an invasion represents a qualitative escalation of the imperialist war drive – this is far more than just the next step of Phase One.
This time there is no pretence: just unfinished business and US strategic interests in the region.
The Stratfor think tank claims that a decision has already been made to use nuclear weapons in Iraq if necessary. It claims that whatever concessions are offered by Iraq will be rejected.
When the invasion of Iraq takes places, the coalition that came together over the war in Afghanistan will shatter – but Bush doesn’t seem to be worried about this. He has his lieutenant Blair – and that alliance will be the basis for this new war.
Fortunately there is another side to the picture – the fight back.
We have seen the rise of an important anti-war movement in Britain and other countries. Even today, when the continuing was in Afghanistan gets little coverage, this movement is still mobilised as witnessed by the demonstration on March 30?
Nor has the anti-globalisation movement been demobilised – one of Bush and Blair’s prime objectives in the aftermath of September 11. Anti-globalisation protestors have been central to the anti-war mobilisations. The demonstrations in Brussels at the EU summit last December were big and Porto Alegre Mark 2 was double the size of last years event.
Of course the situation has been more difficult in the US, but even the New York demonstration at the time of Porto Alegre showed that the movement remains unbowed.
In addition of course, there is a revolutionary situation in Argentina
These developments will shape politics over the next year or so. There is already a radicalisation taking place around world politics, once Iraq is invaded this will escalate rapidly – particularly amongst young people. This is why it is so important that we have a youth initiative out of this conference - this could hardly be more important.
In Britain the political situation remains dominated by the new Labour project – which continues unabated. The relationship of new Labour to big business deepens all the time. Blair remains at the forefront of the neo-liberal agenda.
The situation inside the LP has deteriorated further. Though the support for the early day motion opposing action against Iraq is welcome, particularly in comparison to the size of the revolt over Afghanistan, given the enormity of what is at stake, it remains extremely weak. Blair has felt able to support Bush without looking over his shoulder very much.
It is not just that the Labour left has been weakened - the Labour Party is losing its traditional base as we have seen at election after election. There has been a huge drop in LP membership.
The LP is not yet a straight capitalist party, but it is a long way down that road
This means that a space is opening to the left of Labour – which must be filled by the left. This is an historic opportunity that must not be missed. The development of the left in the next period depends on it. The strategic task is the building of an alternative to Blairism
This means a broad formation to the left of Labour – comprising those breaking from the LP, those newly radicalising along with the far-left organisations. The Socialist Alliance in England and the Scottish Socialist Party are the organisations today best placed to fill that space.
It is remarkable what has been achieved already by the Socialist Alliance. We can see the role it is playing in the unions – in the debate over political fund and the response to the SA TU conference. Our position is not to for disaffiliation but for democratisation.
Our objective is for the Socialist Alliance to become a new party of the left. For us, this is the crucial discussion inside the SA. The Alliance cannot continue in its current form indefinitely – it should become a party like the SSP or the Left Block in Portugal.
Those models are approximate – because the political and organisational situation is different in each country - but they remain useful analogies.
Some question whether this building of broad parties is in the Trotskyist tradition. Yes it is.
Trotsky was flexible on organisational form; the bottom line was the building of a revolutionary party in the most effective way. He was in favour of a Labour Party in the US, of revolutionaries working in the ILP, or being inside in social democractic parties if that was the best way to win forces to revolutionary ideas. He was in favour of setting out to win forces breaking from Social Democracy.
Today we need a broad party to fill the space to the left of Labour. Central to this is the evolution of the far-left itself – and particularly, given its size, the SWP.
The SWP decided to build the Socialist Alliance two years ago in the run up to of the Greater London Assembly elections. This turn was based on their analysis of the political situation, the opportunities that there were for the left in that situation.
Today they oppose the idea that the Socialist Alliance should become a new party of the left. We don’t know whether they will change their mind on this. We have discussed it with them, and we will continue to do so.
We will continue to put forward proposals like that of the trade union conference, which as well as advancing the struggle can objectively take the Alliance in this direction.
But we think that what is most likely to convince them the Alliance should become a party is a change in the political situation, which makes the necessity of and opportunity for such a development much clearer.
The current industrial situation does not represent a return to the levels of militancy of the 1970s, but it does represent something important given the years of battering the unions have been through. There is a new radicalism based on wages and the fight against privatisation and victimisations.
Union members are voting for leaders who are not tied in the old way to new Labour, not tied to social partnership in the same way.
Given this analysis of the political situation both internationally and in Britain, what are the tasks of the ISG over the next period?
These will obviously be determined by political developments – particularly the invasion of Iraq. This will lead to a growth of the anti-war movement that will dwarf what we have seen so far. Building this movement will be central for us, and we will see a further massive radicalisation amongst young people.
We want to step up our work in solidarity with the Palestinians – desperately needed in the current situation. The development of anti-war movement means that larger numbers of people are becoming aware of the issues in their struggle.
Our overarching project remains the Socialist Alliance. We support the idea that the Alliance should organise an event around world politics in the autumn – an event that we build heavily amongst young people.
We also want to step up our involvement in the anti-capitalist movement, and within that in Globalise Resistance. We want to mobilise for the demonstrations taking place during the current Spanish Presidency of the European Union, and to build for the European Social Forum to be held in Italy in the autumn.
The fall out from September 11 has resulted in increased attacks on asylum seekers. We welcome the calling of the conference in Manchester in March 23 by a number of anti-racist and pro-asylum seeker groups and will work to ensure that it is a success and that stronger co-ordination of initiatives results from it.
All these developments underline the importance of our determination to build amongst youth. The conditions to do so are better than they have been for a long time.
This is because of the deepening radicalisation of young people. But it is also because of the subjective determination of our organisation to take our political ideas into these movements, to learn from them and to recruit from them.
1 ISG- International Socialist Group; British Section of the Fourth International