The 3rd Conference of the European Anti Capitalist Left took place in Brussels on the 12 –13 December 2001 in the run up to the Laeken summit of the European Union and the demonstrations that would greet it. I attended the conference of behalf of the Socialist Alliance, which was also represented at the previous conference in Paris in December 2000, though not at the initial conference in Lisbon during the Portuguese presidency of the EU.
The list of participating organisations (see box below) comprises the major political organisations in the countries of western Europe, which are involved in the process of reshaping the left in their own countries.
The types of political developments that led to the emergence of the Socialist Alliance in England are not unique to Britain but part of a broader picture. These conferences provide an opportunity for common discussion amongst organisations that are trying to relate to the political space opened up by the crisis of the traditional mass parties across Europe during the 1990s in which they can learn from each others experiences.
Some countries were not represented at all, either because no organisation was invited – because none exists which the organisers felt fulfilled the criteria (e.g. Sweden, Greece, Germany) – or because they declined the invitation ( Norway, Red Electoral Alliance). This was the first of these conferences that Rifoundzione Communista had attended.
Clearly the political map on the left in each country varies – for example those countries which had mass Communist Parties face a different situation than we do in England. Despite the different traditions and the gaps, there has been a process of reshaping taking place in European politics over the last decade.
The increasing adherence of Social Democratic parties to neo-liberalism has resulted in increasing numbers of those who traditionally looked to them being open to new alternatives and organisations – the process we are familiar with in Britain which led to the rise of the Socialist Alliance.
Communist Parties have also been in turmoil – with some moving over to social democratic positions, others trying to retain the Stalinist model, despite the extent to which it has been discredited. Some currents coming out of this tradition have tried to develop on a different path – one which questioned at least some aspects of their Stalinist heritage, including the lack of internal democracy and was willing to work with broader forces.
The most important organisation to develop out of this process is undoubtedly Rifondazione Communista – the Party of Communist Refoundation in Italy – with 90,000 members. The discussion inside this organisation is currently deepening in the run up to its fifth Congress due to take place in the spring.
The anti-globalisation movement has had a profound impact on the organisation, leading to a text from the leadership for the Congress that argues that the party must build itself as an instrument of the movement rather than of the institutions.
The text also explicitly argues that in order to do so, a more thoroughgoing questioning of aspects of the tradition of the Italian Communist Party is necessary.
Where organisations of the revolutionary left have been attuned to these developments across the continent and willing to break with some of their own previous sectarianism, new organisations, parties and fronts have been born some of which have already begun to have significant successes at both electoral and campaigning levels.
It is important that the Socialist Alliance relates to these developments. So far there has not been much collaboration even at a bi-lateral level with any of the other European organisations. The enthusiasm with which the speaker from Rifondazione was greeted at the December 1 conference shows that there is enthusiasm for these types of links and discussions, and the new Executive should look at how to develop this.
The representation from England – consisting of three different organisations – was not ideal, but arose for historic reasons. However it is something that should be rectified for future meetings. There should be one single delegation from England through the Socialist Alliance. This should be a pluralist delegation in which different comrades – including the SWP – should have the opportunity to express their own views where the Alliance itself does not have a position. If at all possible the delegation should include a number of key independents on the new Executive.
Inevitably the discussion at the Brussels meeting was dominated by the situation in the aftermath of September 11 and around the war, leading to the adoption of the statement printed here. In general there was a good deal of agreement on the report, given by Francisco Louca of the Left Bloc of Portugal and on the statement which was circulated in draft form in advance of the conference. Louca’s report was on similar lines but with more emphasis on economic developments.
There was a general agreement that the ruling class offensive since September 11 had not silenced the anti-globalisation movement – though clearly this would be further tested on the streets of Brussels itself in the following days.
There was discussion on the evolution of the anti-war movement in different countries and its current unevenness. The French comrades argued that the key reason for the weakness of the movement there lay with the role of the Communist Party who were not prepared to break with their Social Democratic partners on the question of the war.
Comrades from the SWP suggested that the single central slogan of Stop the War had been key to the success of the anti-war movement in Britain but the Italians pointed out that the even more successful movement in Italy had two key slogans; No to War, No to Terrorism.
The British Socialist Party played a generally low key role in the proceedings and did not use the opportunity as one might have feared to attack the rest of the British left in the wake of their walk-out from the Socialist Alliance. They did however state their disagreement with the draft statement on the question of the process of European integration – suggesting that as the economic crisis deepened this would inevitably lead to the rise of nationalism.
There was one major controversy that stood out in these exchanges in which the majority of participants spoke – how to deal with the question of Islamic organisations. In this discussion the meeting was grappling with two difficulties.
Firstly, there were clearly differences of opinion, though none of the participants had the view that has been so contentious in the anti-war movement in England, that fundamentalism is as great a danger to the working class as imperialism itself. However it did seem that the comrades from the Red-Green Alliance in Denmark wanted to stress the reactionary nature of all Islamic movements more than others did.
It is actually quite difficult – and dangerous – to make general and timeless characterisations of organisations which have developed in different social and political contexts in different parts of the world.
I agreed with those who felt that the original draft of the statement could be read as suggesting that all Islamic organisations could be assessed in the same way, and that they never played any progressive role.
The approach suggested by Murray Smith of the Scottish Socialist Party, and subsequently adopted in the final draft was to limit the scope of the statement by making direct reference to organisations like Al-Qaida. The initial draft was also strengthened by the inclusion of the need to fight against Islamaphobia.
This and a number of other changes arising out of the discussion strengthened what was already a useful statement around which there was general consensus. The SWP did initially move a further amendment to add in a further formulation at the end of the second last sentence of the third paragraph that read " even if in certain circumstances Islam can act as a banner for those fighting oppression". This was subsequently withdrawn when the Danish delegation objected.
This exchange did leave somewhat of a sour taste, particularly because the Danish criticism combined their political disagreement with the new formulation with their irritation that the SWP had not participated in the drafting commission – a combination which seemed to trivialise important political issues.
There was however a real problem, which is why, although I agree with the SWP addition at one level, I think in the end they were right to withdraw and that all the participating organisations should support the statement in its current form. The addition reopened the debate on the characterisation of all Islamic currents – a task which I don’t think this conference, with this agenda and time frame was up to – or was necessary for its goals.
Other items subsequently discussed included a report from Alain Krivine of the LCR on the attack on democratic rights, which was debate in the European Parliament in Strasbourg on the first day of the conference.
Many of the repressive measures being debated now where under consideration before September 11, but this provided governments with a welcome opportunity to step up their implementation. Key to the proposals is a common definition of terrorism (see statement) which would threaten the whole labour movement e.g. it would make the occupation of public places illegal.
The other thread, which was apparent both in Krivine’s report and in subsequent contributions from participants, was the link between these so-called anti-terrorist measures and attacks on asylum seekers and refugees.
The item concluded with an agreement to co-ordinate campaigning on this question amongst the participants and other forces in their countries.
Alan McCoombes of the Scottish Socialist Party reported in powerful detail on his recent trip to Pakistan and Afghanistan and appealed to organisations to support the Afghani Workers Solidarity campaign (see page 16).
The meeting decided to organise its 4th Conference in Madrid during Spain’s presidency of the EU in the summer.
The Socialist Alliance needs to discuss its participation in the conference well in advance, as well as finding other ways of linking up with similar organisations across Europe.