Farooq Sulehria, (member Labour Party Pakistan)
Pakistan’s generals reaching Headquarters in chauffeur-driven cars, wearing starched-uniforms studded with military medals, must be all smiles.
Pakistan’s Army headquarters are situated in Rawalpindi city - only half an hour drive from the capital city of Islamabad. And the generals are also the incumbent rulers of Pakistan.
Since independence from British imperialism in 1947, generals have directly ruled Pakistan through martial law, for 26 years.
All of a sudden, things have turned good for them. Every new day, since September 24, has brought them good news.
September 24: Bush administration lifts sanctions against Pakistan that were imposed because of its nuclear programme and a subsequent nuclear test in 1998. Japan and Australia had already promised to lift sanctions. Colin Powell, in a ‘Meet the Press’ programme on NBC television, says that the US has no concern over its nuclear programme and "guarantees" that the Musharraf government would remain stable.
September 26: Thirteen countries reschedule debt repayment for Pakistan. These countries include USA, Norway, Finland, Denmark, Germany, France, Belgium, Spain, Australia, Canada, Great Britain and Switzerland. Japan also releases $40 million grant for Pakistan.
September 27: IMF releases third tranche of debt in an unusual move. Negotiations had been going on for this tranche for long time. IMF was not satisfied with the military government’s economic performance.
September 28: The USA releases $50 million grant for Pakistan
All this is reward for Pakistan’s support for the "international community" against "terrorism".
The present military government, headed by General Musharraf, overthrew the democratically elected civilian government of Nawaz Sharif on October 12,1999.
The army coup was a reflection of the economic and political crisis facing the rotten capitalist system in Pakistan.
Throughout the Cold War the Pakistani ruling class was the apple of the eye of US imperialism. A trustworthy ally against the Soviet Union, Pakistan under its corrupt ruling class, was generously granted IMF and World Bank loans and grants.
The process reached its peak during the 1980s when the USA was engaged in Afghanistan. Pakistan became the third largest recipient of US aid after Israel and Egypt.
But these enormous sums of money did not in any way improve the miserable living conditions for the working masses. These grants would end up in offshore bank accounts of military generals, bureaucrats and corrupt bourgeois politicians.
The Pakistani working class became radicalised for the first time in the revolutionary decade of 1960s. The year 1967 witnessed a pre-revolutionary situation in Pakistan. Firstly, Pakistani military dictator Field Martial Ayub Khan was forced to resign. Subsequent to this revolutionary movement, the first ever general elections were held in Pakistan in 1970.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), promising socialism, emerged as the party of working class. Under a tremendous pressure by the working class, the PPP government introduced land reforms and nationalised some industrial as well as financial institutions.
Bhutto, himself a big feudal lord, was a bourgeois populist and Bonapartist leader. Following his re-election in March 1977, a military coup on July 5 sealed his fate. He was hanged two years later.
The working class had not forgotten the reforms carried out under Bhutto. They offered heroic resistance to this military regime, led by General Zia ul Haq. General Zia ruled the roost till August 16,1988 when he along with his close aides died in a plane crash/sabotage.
In December that year, the PPP, now headed by Bhutto ‘s daughter Benazir, was voted in to power.
This Benazir government disillusioned the masses by its anti-working class politics. The party had moved much to the right. Now it wanted to be an obedient servant of the IMF and the World Bank. But its working class base would not allow her to implement the IMF agenda.
Her government was dismissed in 1990. Her political opponent, Nawaz Sharif, a corrupt capitalist politician, was put in charge following a rigged election.
The last decade of 20th century unfolded a new international scenario in the wake of Soviet Union’s collapse. Pakistan was no more needed as a base camp against Soviet Union. Now was the time to "pay back" the loans.
Pakistan is an agriculture-based economy. But a feudal system dominates its agriculture. The industrial base is very weak. Debt servicing is possible only by IMF dictated "economic reforms" namely increased taxation, privatisation and mass redundancies of public sector employees, an end to state subsidies.
The civilian governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif failed to implement these "economic reforms", but their policies brought misery, poverty, and unemployment. During last 20 years, poverty has doubled in Pakistan. The per capita income in Pakistan that was $460 in 1990 is now $340.
The IMF also wanted the civilian governments to slash the defence budget. Forty per cent of Pakistan’s annual fiscal budget goes to the army (another 40 per cent goes to debt servicing, i.e. interest on loans given by IMF, World Bank and other international donors. According to an estimate, Pakistan has paid $12 interest for every $1 it has borrowed).
The justification for maintaining this military big budget is enmity with India. Kashmir is the personification of this enmity. The ruling classes in both India and Pakistan encourage this enmity as it helps justify big war budgets.
However, compelled by the IMF regional agenda, in 1998 both India and Pakistan endeavoured to normalise relations. The Pakistan army, fearing any normalisation process, started a war in Kashmir without getting permission, or even informing the civilian government.
This contradiction subsequently resulted in the army coup on October 12,1999.
The masses, disillusioned by democratic governments, hoping against hope, developed illusions in the military government. On assuming power, the military junta found itself in a difficult situation.
The international scenario was not so conducive for military dictatorships. The US could not openly lend support to such regimes as it had done in 33 countries during the Cold War.
Now being the champion of human rights and democracy, it had to slap 528 restrictions against Pakistan following military rule. Already the US, EU, Japan and Australia had imposed curbs on Pakistan following its nuclear blasts in 1998.
Also, to stay in power it struck a deal with the IMF. The deal was: the IMF would not demand a cut in Army’s budget , while the military regime would keep paying back the amount of loans wanted by the IMF at the expense of the working class i.e. through privatisation, increased taxation, massive redundancies and so on.
Over a hundred thousand workers were laid off; taxes on toiling masses were increased. Within a couple of months, the military regime became really unpopular among the masses. The illusions had been dispelled.
The democracy movement started to build up. And in August 2001, the military dictator announced a schedule for elections and restoration of democracy.
But then, all of a sudden, following September 11, everything began turning out good for Musharraf.
The USA would like to have an un-elected, dictatorial government in Pakistan during would-be Afghan war. Demands for the restoration of democracy will not be raised.
It’s hard to say right now if Musharraf , like his predecessor General Zia, will stay in power for ten years. It depends on a number of factors.
But right now he has found desperately needed breathing space.