capitalist class are irreconcilable and that any programme that pretends they can be accommodated is inevitably a means of subordinating the former to the latter. The most immediate roadblock to winning such an understanding at present is the shackling of the trade union movement to social partnership. Crystal clear opposition to partnership is essential. The proposed programme goes only some way to doing this. For example: we are unhappy about the demand - 'share the wealth'. Let's be honest, as socialists the amount of wealth we want to share with the capitalist class is, well, nothing! Remember Connolly's phrase - we only want the earth! We don't have to put forward a revolutionary programme in order to avoid talk of sharing the fruits of our labour with the capitalists.
This is the ideology of partnership but with an argument about the precise shares to each class. We should start from the needs of the working class not what is 'fair' between workers and bosses. The Socialist Alliance should be saying:
Against Social. Partnership. Break the Programme for Prosperity and Fairness. Full support and solidarity to workers demanding a decent wage.
For automatic increases to compensate for inflation. For a democratic trade union movement with a militant leadership drawn from, and accountable to, rank and file workers.
Scrap the Industrial Relations Act and all anti-union legislation. Tax the multinationals and Big business. Corruption We are also unhappy about the demands around corruntion.
It is absolutely correct to point to the double standards and hypocrisy of the state and politicians reflected in the way the establishment has got away with (Everyone will agree the seven days for Liam Lawlor is pathetic)
However it is quite a different matter to demand the jailing of corrupt politicians and possibly make this the central demand of a We point out the hypocrisy, and do not oppose jailing them. If asked we will say they should be put in jail - but this isn't the point. It is not the point of a programme.
As socialists our main focus should not be demanding the capitalist state solve corruption (because this is the point, not mere revenge). Our argument should be that only the working class can solve it.
The socialist programme is a call for the working class to take action, not the capitalist state. Where the latter makes reforms it is only because of pressure from working class action. This action must go from moral outrage to political attack.
The dangers of demanding strong state SE Full support and solidarity to workers like the teachers, demanding a decent wage action on 'law and order' can be seen in the demands of the draft programme.
What increased state powers are required to "immediately' send corrupt politicians to jail? The Criminal Assets Bureau should be scrapped. It is an attack on civil liberties that requires the accused to prove innocence rather than the state proving guilt. We should not be demanding that it use its powers more forcefully. We should be warning the working class that draconian legislation will never be used impartially and will more often be used against it rather than the ruling elites.
The Alliance should demand:
Nationalisation of the Banks under workers control.
Open the books of all companies and Agencies implicated in corruption. For a workers investigation of corruption -expose all the liars and crooks! Nationalisation under workers control of all firms found guilty of defrauding the Irish people. European Union The central political and economic project of the Irish capitalist class for decades has been insertion in the European Union - yet the draft programme doesn't mention it!
Social partnership, privatisation, taxation, etc., etc., are all justified and implemented through appeal to the requirements of EU laws. The programme must make the working class aware of the socialist view.
We should say:
Oppose the Europe of big business and privatisation.
The Socialist Alliance opposes the austerity programme of the Maastricht Treaty and ers EMU.
For a referendum on the Nice Treaty. For immediate withdrawal from the Partnership for Peace. No to NATO, and no illusions in the UN. For an international policy of solidarity with the poor and oppressed around the world. Health & Education On the questions of Health and education we must demand:
Complete separation of Church and State.
End Church influence and control of hospitals and schools.
For workers and parents control of education with a voice for young people in their own education. For health workers, control of hospitals and care services with a voice for patients in the shape and delivery of services. On the question of women and abortion we must demand that:
Women must control their own bodies and fertility. Not the Church and not the State. For a woman's right to choose. Racism On the question of racism we cannot limit our programme to the right to asylum, which is seen to be restricted to those fleeing only political oppression but not economic exploitation.
We should:
Oppose all racist immigration controls. The North of Ireland The central issue in politics in the north and in the south, in su far as the north is discussed, is the Good Friday Agreement. It is islation. For a real democratic alternative - an all-Ireland Constituent Assembly. Build Workers Unity for a Socialist Republic.
This is the only democratic alternative to imperialism's plans. If comrades oppose these demands they should say what the political alternative is that is more demoClaus. It they try to avoid the question of democracy by talking about 'socialism' we say there is no socialism without democracy. If they reply by talking about 'class politics' we say that democracy is a class question. To surrender democracy is to surrender socialism.
The comrades might say that the only hope to address protestant workers is to avoid political questions. What then is the point of socialism if we are to avoid politics?
We wouldn't need political organisations but only good trade unions.
The Socialist Alliance would have abandoned politics and imported the unionist veto into lts own programme. All without one unionist having opened their mouth!
The imperialist division of the working class is accepted under the banner of unity. Division of workers in the north from the south is unchallenged, while the unity of protestant and catholic is upheld.
We must understand that no particular division can be addressed unless we put forward the complete unity of the working class. Protestant and catholic unity in the north can only be effectively addressed in the context of achieving the unity of the whole Irish working class. That's why we must oppose partition.
As it stands the current programme on the national question doesn't actually deal with In the south this will be a giant hole in the programme of any Alliance. An Alliance in the north on this programme would simply be irrelevant if not reactionary because of the partitionist conclusions that could easily be drawn from it.
As we have said the method behind the draft programme is one of economism and no clearer example of avoiding politics is contained in the draft.
We must learn that the working class is not an economic class suffering exploitation that must have its economic struggles politicised to achieve socialism.
This is the very definition of economism. The working class must first and foremost be seen as a political class that must train irself to become the ruling class of a new society.
As Lenin said, every political issue facing every class must be addressed. The tribune of the people not the trade union secretary must be our mode | Talk of 'class' politics that avoids politics is not socialism but mere militant trade unionism.