the support of at least one he Lib-Lab coali- other party (usually Plaid the Cymru) on an ad hoc basis in National Ass- order to carry out its proembly for Wales, gramme. While Rhodri has subseunexpectedly announced in October, has quently painted this as an months. uncasy first few activists expected their gov- intolerable pressure, Labour The 'Partnership Agree- ernment to make the situament', which put two Liberal way out at the expense of tion work, rather than seek a Democrats in Rhodri Morgan's cabinet in an tying themselves to a permaattempt to secure stability for nent arrangement with another party. the devolved administration, A motion from Islwyn CLP has ACCI heen hutteted by of activists the ference sought explicitly to at the 2000 Welsh party conwho feel betrayed both by the deal and by lne manneı of its execution. prohibit a coalton with lac Liberal Democrats. While The coalition was sprung this reflected the unease of on Members (AMs) only hours Assembly the rejected by the conference at membership, it was the behest of the leadership. before it was announced to the press, and was effectively Moreover, a resolution suba fait d'accompli before it sequently passed by the could be готінтес by the Welsh Executive Committee specifically left open the posWelsh Executive Committee sibility for a deal with the - theoretically the party's governing body. Liberals, any such arrangement with while excluding Rhodri Morgan justified either Plaid Cymru or the the deal as a necessary expeTories. Nevertheless, the deal dient to attain the stability that had A licen the care as a shock. Assembly during eighteen months of minority govern- W hile four AMs ment, following reportedly voted against dismal showing in the May 1999 Welsh general election. the deal at the Three seats short of an crucial overall majority in the 60- group meeting, member body, Labour had uncast about lt was a 1ol continually needed to win Wider. Rhodri's coalition: the wrong angle for Labour's core supporters There was particular unhappiness about the award of the single most important portfolio - Economic Development. - and the title of Deputy First Minister to Liberal leader Mike German.
As soon as the coalition was announced, German was hit by allegations of financial impropriety connected with his previous job at the Welsh Joint Education Committee (WIEC).
While these charges seem to have been stoked up by long-term Labour opponents in local government, they have not been definitively dismissed, and could yet force his resignation and jeopardise the whole administration.
The first opportunity for backbench unhappiness to find expression was the election of Deputy Presiding Officer (DPO -i.e., deputy speaker) following the elevation of Jane Davidson to the cabinet as Education Minister.
Having sacked Rosemary Butler TO make way Davidson, Rhodri had promised her the DPO's job as a consolation prize. When this became clear, AMs -including backbenchers - were disgusted that the First Minister was seeking to dish out an independent, non-party political post not in his gift.
John Marek, the maverick Labour AM and MP for Wrexham, stood in opposition to Butler, to the chagrin of the cabinet and loyalist AMs, but with the support of Plaid Cymru, the Tories and a couple of Labour COleagues, including Ron Davies.
In the event, he won by 28 votes to 27, thereby showing Rhodri that he could not guarantee to get things his own way.
The willingness of backbenchers to stand up to the administration on more substantive political issues has been limited, however.
While seven of them defied the whip on a Tory amendment in favour of PFI (abstaining, instead of voting in favour as they had been instructed), they all fell into line to support a government statement in support of PFI a week later.
• ostility among the rank-and-file membership is beginning to express itself a lot more forcefully, as Rhodri discovered when he undertook a series of meetings with CLP activists, in belated recognition of their concerns about the coalition.
The first meeting, in Newport, was particularly hostile, with every speaker berating the First Minister: for seeking an easy way out of Labour's minority position at the expense of the party's political independence; for failing to consult the membership about the deal; and for including in the Partnership Agreement commitment to review electoral systems for local govThis last concern, reflecting the determination Labour councillors to defend their beleaguered position against the threat of PR, is the least progressive.
Justified hostility to Lib-Lab coalitionism has been given a more conservative twist by the likes of Llew Smith MP, who is 'left' on social and economic issues, bin uttery cacuonaly on democracy and on the Welsh national question.
The news of the coalition brought Llew, like a vulture scenting fresh carrion, to the scene of the crime, ready to blame the betrayal on the original sins of devolution and PR. T hose, like Llew, who blame Labour's minority position on PR, and see the coalition as inevitable consequence, are at best misguided and at worst disingenuous. Labour lost 'safe' seats like Isiwyn and the Rhondda to Plaid Cymru on first-past-the-post CO -stituency poll.
Such results undoubtedly reflected hostility both to control-freakery imposing Alun Michael on the Welsh party - and more importantly, the general political lurch to the right under Blair.
Plaid's successful appeal to the Welsh electorate on the basis of 'Old Labour' policies meant that there has always been a potential majority in the Assembly should Labour want it - for progressive measures in the interests of the majority in Wales.
Instead, Plaid's increasing to its hegemony