Ford strikers learn lessons of Lawrence inquiry
The remarkable walk-outs by workers at Fords Dagenham over racism demonstrate very graphically the extent to which the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry has begun to reshape the political landscape.
On October 6 about 13,000 workers staged a strike in protest at systematic racism and walk outs continued for several days on all shifts. These constituted the most significant industrial action ever taken by British workers against racism. There have been token actions before, but nothing on this scale – and nothing in such a key centre.
Workers went on to vote for a ballot for official strike action, the results of which will be known in the next week.
It is not of course that black workers at the plant have only recently started to suffer from racist abuse and harassment. There is a sorry history going back a long time – and one that can only be partly explained by the strength of fascist organisations in the area.
What has changed in the post-Macpherson era is not the discrimination – but the confidence to fight. Union leaders had failed to persuade management to hold a joint inquiry into the implications of the Lawrence Inquiry, despite management’s assertion that they are committed to "Zero tolerance" against racism
Whatever the consequences of negotiations at Fords as Company President Jac Nasser arrives at the Dagenham plant for discussions, the actions of the workers at Fords will certainly merit – and may even get – a place in the history books.
Nor is Fords the only place that the Lawrence inquiry has been taken up by trade unionists. In the Employment Service for example, PCS activists in the Socialist Caucus in London have circulated the report around workplaces and a new black and minority ethnic caucus has been set up.
Demands include an investigation into the low number of black and minority ethnic managers, with such workers stuck on lower grades for considerably longer than their white colleagues.
Returning to Fords, another interesting point is raised. In the current political situation, where industrial action remains at a very low level, it is noteworthy that it is on an issue like racism that workers feel able to take unofficial action of this type.
While the dead hand of the union leaderships has been able to ensure no action takes place on key questions of wages and conditions, this is harder on issues that the unions have traditionally ignored, such as racism.
Black workers, while their level of unionisation ahs usually been higher than that of white workers, have rarely been incorporated into union structures. This means that when they do move into action they are less likely to be bound by conservatising rules than their white colleagues.