In Sweden, 16,000 bus drivers all over the country have been on strike since February 25. This national dispute is rooted in privatisation and neoliberal policy. Although Kommunal, the union of public employees, demands a payrise of three per cent instead of the one per cent offered by the employers, working hours are more important.
"There are two main problems ", explains Anders Wettemark, a bus driver and member of the Socialist Party (Swedish section of the Fourth international), and member of the union’s national negotiating committee.
"Firstly, the working hours can mean that you start at 6 in the morning, have one or two breaks during the day and leave work at 10 pm. Here our union demands shifts of less than twelve hours, a very reasonable demand.
Secondly, the time between breaks can be up to five hours. That’s why so many drivers says the strike is about the right to go to the toilet!"
Privatisation of the publicly owned local bus services in Swedish cities started in 1989. The company who offered to run the buses most cheaply won the franchise. Competition was very tough, and bidders for the contracts used long working hours to cut costs.
"Yes, we have certainly paid for this EU-instigated system", says Anders Wettemark, "but this is also the reason why the drivers are so solid behind the strike".
Swebus is the largest company with 30 percent of the national market. Swebus was privatised in the mid-nineties and sold to the infamous multinational Stagecoach. Stagecoach, formed in Perth, Scotland in 1980, is clearly an union-busting company. As late as December 1998 Stagecoach faced a four week strike in New Zealand due to its union-busting.
On the highly organised Swedish labour market, strike breaking is not allowed during legal strikes. No-one, not even conservatives, promotes strike breaking here. And Swebus’ new owners have never tried any union busting towards their employees.
But the strikers still face problems. Around ten percent of the workforce are not in the union and thus they receive nothing from strike funds. So Swebus pays every non-member who reports for work each day their full salary, although they do not have to work. As the strikers only get 80 per cent of their wages, non-union members are better off, and Wettemark finds this "irritating".
Swedish legislation still reflects the power of the Swedish workers movement. Union membership is the highest in the world, 84 per cent of the total workforce. Since state appointed mediators have no right to force any of the parties in a conflict to sign an agreement, the strike might be a long one. Both sides have funds for a long fight. The employers’ costs will be covered by the national employers’ association SAF.
"I think the decisive factor will be the reaction of the general public", says Anders Wettemark. "That’s why it is so important for us to launch a campaign aimed at the public, explaining our motives. I am promoting a campaign to collect signatures amongst the public, demanding that the employers sign an agreement acceptable to the union."
A poll on the first day of the strike showed that 85 per cent of the public support the strike. Wettemark explains "Many, many are experiencing the same problems as us in their jobs, it’s not just public sector workers who have suffered during these last neoliberal years. But our strike causes obvious problems for the public. We have to take that seriously".
This strike is the most important one this decade in Sweden. Perhaps the union leaders were not too happy about launching a national strike, but it is not easy to simply a strike with such a high level of support by signing a lousy agreement. The strike was joined by a further 3,000 drivers on March 6.
Clearly, the outcome of this strike is important not just for the bus drivers (and their passengers). It will set a precedent for future workers’ struggles in Sweden.