ON SUNDAY September 27 the German electorate replaced its Christian Democrat-led government by a Social Democrat-led one, ending Helmut Kohl's 16year reign as Chancellor.
The post-war German electoral system has rarely resulted in one party government, and before the election there was speculation as to who the SPD, if it emerged as the largest party, would approach to form a coalition government.
Possibilities ranged from the excommunist PDS through the liberal FDP (almost permanently in government) to a repeat of the grand coalition' of a CDU/SPD government of the 1960s. But right up till the last minute it was uncertain that Kohl would lose his majority.
In the event, the SPD did better than predicted, and the PDS improved its position, but the SPD leader Gerhard Schröder opted for a Red-Green coalition. Germany's Green Party, one of the largest and longest existing in Europe, was already part of several state governments together with the SPD.
The SPD fought the election on the issues of unemployment and Kohl being 'yesterday's man'. Although Kohl achieved the popular re-unification of Germany,, 10 years on this is not seen as such a great success. Unemployment stands at 4 million, and is particularly high in the East, where much industry has disappeared.
The SPD's policy for tackling unemployment, however, consists mainly of attempting to reduce the 'non-wage' costs of German industry.
While cutting income tax will be a part of this, it also signals a further assault on the 'social wage' (sick benefit, unemployment benefit etc) which have been under attack for several years. The Greens would like to cut labour costs through environmental taxation but are unlikely to get anywhere on this, especially given the importance of the motor industry in Germany. On most issues the SPD made it known in advance of the election there would be little change.
The SPD is as keen on a federal Europe and the single currency as the CDU was, and is as willing to support NATO intervention in Kosova. "The only issue on which a clear indication of a change of policy has been made is on Germany's outrageously racist nationality law, which prevents children born in Germany of immigrant families from obtaining German citizenship.
Schröder has attempted to model himself on Blair, and his policies are similar. The SPD membership elected him candidate over the more left wing Oscar Lafontaine on the basis that opinion polls gave him a better chance of defeating Kohl.
The Greens, who long ago ditched their "fundamentalist' approach in order to share power, are happy to be part of such a government.
The only issue which they have made much noise about is the quick phasing out of nuclear power stations, over 5-12 years. Kohl was unequivocally for the use of nuclear energy, but this has become increasingly unpopular with the population and mass protests have disrupted the transportation of nuclear waste for years.
The SPD is supposedly committed to the phasing out of nuclear power (possibly over 30 years!), While some Green leaders see this as a crucial issue, others have been playing it down.
Despite the growth of the fascist right in Germany in recent years, particularly in the East, they won no representation in parliament, not even coming close to the 5 per cent of votes needed.
On the contrary, the PDS, supported by much of the far left Like most social democrats Schröder can also imitate a rabbit in the headlights including Fourth International supporters in Germany, improved its position considerably, winning 4 direct mandates (against the expected 2 or 3) and 5.1 per cent of the vote.
While its main support remains in the old East Germany, it also did well in the West.
The German election result means there are now social democratic governments in most European Union countries.
Yet they will still protest that they can do nothing about the due to globalisation. The workers' movement across Europe needs to be demanding otherwise.