"The whole UrUletariat must be armed at once with muskets, rifles, cannon and ammunition, and the revival of the old-style citizens' militia, directed against the workers, must be opposed.
"Where the formation of this militia cannot be prevented, the workers must try to organise themselves independently as a proletarian guard, with elected headers and with their own elected general staff: they must try to place themselves not under the orders of the state authority but of the revolutionary local councils set up by the workers."
In the fight to take forward the uninterrupted, "permanent" and in the fight to mobilise armed bodies of workers as part of a dual power challenge to the Provisional Government, Lenin was therefore building on the actual situation in Russia and on the Marxist tradition and the lessons of the 1848 revolutions.
In the aftermath of the successful Russian Revolution, Trotsky began consciously to work through these lessons and to spell out the necessity for the Communist International and Communist Parties to learn them too, and fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat as the only means to complete the democratic revolution.
But he ran into immediate oppositon from Stalin and the growing bureaucratic caste which had begun to emerge within the strife-torn, isolated and backward workers' state.
Showing that no political lessons had been learned by Some "old Bolsheviks" from the upheavals of the Revolution itself, and giving voice to a mood of demoralisation, conservatism and nationalism among whole sections of the Russian peasantry, Stalin was by 1924 feeling his way towards renunciation of international revolution, dressed up in his "theory". of socialism in one country. This is one reason the bureaucratic machinery of the Kremlin expended such energy in slandering Trotsky's line - the line of Lenin and Marx - and instilling in the degenerated "Communist International" the discredited formulae of the Mensheviks.
Isis on the democratic tasks to be accomplished in the revolution. certainly not arguing against an alliance where approLenin: learned lessons priate between the working class and the poorest layers of peasants and petty bourgeois. W are stressing that even the minimal demands of the proletariat and the carrying of the democratic revolution go beyond anything that can be accomplished by or under the leadership of the "democratic"
capitalists. We are insisting that the workers, committing themselves to the struggle must build and maintain their own independent organisations, and develop their own demands and PIOgramme.
Fighting alongside the various "democrats" who are prepared to use revolutionary means against the existing regime, workers must also maintain their own, revolutionary organisations.
Incorporating the democratic demands, alongside the specifically socialist programme of a workers' organisation, they must remain committed to the socialist struggle — and (as Marx and Armed workers won and defended the revolution Engels insisted) not stop short "until all the more or less propertied classes have been driven from their ruling positions, until the proletariat has conquered state power."
From this standpoint, permanent revolution is not so much a "theory" as a strategic conception, an orientation within every struggle an international level.
It is not a jargon term to be confusingly used by academics, or a label, but as Marx put it, a "battle cry» for the workers. In it the spirit of revolutionary defiance from 1848 lives on in the battles being fought 150 years later.
Terry Conway IT WAS A TIME for anniversaries:
the fifteenth Fourth International youth camp coincided with the 60th birthday of the Fourth International.
Six hundred young socialists made their way from all corners of Europe to a remote (and rainy) corner of Denmark to celebrate and discuss.
After many years work in International Workers Aid participants were particularly pleased to welcome a delegation from Bosnia, as well as from Russia, Poland and virtually every country of Western Europe.
Under the slogan "Reclaim freedom" the forums and workshops explored the ways in which the freedoms of young people, of women, of gays and lesbians, of immigrants and the peoples of the Third World are restricted and eliminated.
We analysed how this is done in the name of the "freedoms" of the capitalist world, the free market, free trade - individual freedoms are counterposed to collective rights for workers, for students, for the unemployed.
Prepared, as every year, by a meeting of representatives of participating youth organisations, the programme combines contributions by comrades of many years experience with those by young comrades, who both reflect the activity of their own organisations and tackle new questions specific to their generation.
The existence of women-only space at the camp allows both for intense discussion of issues of feminism and the opportunity to discuss and relax together as women.
The lesbian and gay space suffered somewhat this year from poor positioning, but nevertheless an ambitious and enjoyable programme of debates took place as well as preparation of the best party of the week. While the existence of these spaces is always controversial with a minority, the arguments for autonomy were overwhelmingly supported.
To mark the anniversary of the founding of the Fourth International, the camp invited Charlie van Gelderen, sole surviving militant of the twenty-two present at the founding conference in 1938. Solidarity between different nations and generations (above)
The warm and appreciative welcome given to Charlie was returned in kind as he assured the evening rally: "Your enthusiasm has relit the flame that was kindled at the historic Founding Conference, sixty years ago when, like many of you, I was in my twenties.
"Don't be disheartened by defeats and set-backs. Don't be dismayed because we are still small in numbers Yours is the future. Stay true to your revolutionary spirit. You must win where my generation failed." Tatau Godinho, member of the executive of the Brazilian PT and of the Fourth International leadership, spoke for the generation that came into politics in the context of the world-wide youth radicalisation following 1968 and outlined the fight to build a broad inclusive revolutionary movement. Andrea Peniche from Portugal spoke for the young people present in asserting their commitment to the fight for revolutionary transformation. The British delegation was regretably small - and with an average age of well over thirty. We did make some useful contributions I think - not only in the kitchen and through Charlie.
The workshop on Ireland we led was attended by over 80 people and provoked a lively debate on the direction of the peace process.
It was my first camp - after nearly 25 years in the Fourth International. I can't imagine why | didn't go before - and I certainly intend to be back. Next year will be in sunnier climes - Italy or France. Readers need to start thinking now about how we can make sure we send loads of young people - the camp is one of the best advertisements for socialism I can think of.
CMONSI
COMNISE
Wang Fanxi HENG CHAOLIN, a Z veteran of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and a Chinese Trotskyist, died Onl August i in Shanghai. He devoted his entire life to the cause of the liberation of the Chinese workers and peasants.
He was at once a writer, a poet, an historian, a linguist and a translator. His achievements were not only numerous but exemplary. He avoided a desultory or dilettantish approach and probed deeply into the essence of things, assiduously perfecting his skills and knowledge.
Naturally, he was first and foremost a faithful and unyielding revolutionary. His efforts and achievements in other fields took as their keynote his revolutionary thinking, and were shot through with his revolutionary spirit.
Chaolin was born Zhangping in Fujian province in 1901, and as a boy he received a traditional Chinese education. In 1919 he went to France as part of a "work study" programme (under which young Chinese students financed their studies by working part-time in French industry, and came under the influence of western thought, particularly the Russian Revolution.
He gradually abandoned his attachment to the philosophy of Confucius and Mencius and even Lao Zi and Zhuang Zi and embraced the ideas propagated by Chen Duxiu and his co-thinkers who advocated democracy and science. Shortly afterwards he embraced Marxism, and very soon progressed from thought to action. In June 1922, when some young Chinese Marxists living in Europe held a meeting in Paris at which they set up the "Youth Communist Party". Chaolin was among the 18 delegates, who included Zhou Enlai, Zhao Shiyan and Yin Kuan. In 1923 he was selected to go to Russia to study at Moscow's University for Toilers of the East. In July 1924, when the CCP urgently needed cadres as a result of the rapid development of the revolutionary situation in China, he was sent back to China with Chen Yannian and others. He worked in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee, edited party impressed, he journals, drafted internal educaTrotskyism, tional materials and external pro- together with paganda materials Chen Duxiu and and translated Bukharin's ABC of Communism, while at the same time teaching at the party school in Shanghai. From 1925 to 1927, when the Chinese revolution grew apace, he participated in the famous May 30th Movement and in the second and third Shanghai worker's risings. After Chiang Kai-Shek's bloody coup on 12 April 1927, Zheng went with the Central Committee to Wuhan, fifth congress. He was appointed ment of the Hubei Provincial After the final defeat of the revparty's famous August 7th consecretly moved back to Shanghai LO. reorganise party affairs in the province. days he was released as a result May 1931 he, Chen Duxiu and Trotskyist groups.
15 years in prison, after just seven years, out. recuperated for a while in a village in Anhui Province together with his wife, and proof-read and translated the remaining parts of Trotsky's The Revolution Betrayed, a third of which had already been translated by two Chinese Communist Party marchers carry banners of Stalin as well as their own leaders through newly-liberated Canton in 1947. prison. hai, where he joined the leaderorganisation and the editorial paper, Struggle. He translated volHistory of the Russian Revolution. world war in Western Europe in up in the Chinese Trotskyist leadership. These were princiWalk leading member of the group later known as the International On December 7 1941, the Japanese army occupied Shanghai's foreign settlements and revagainst the Japanese became until the Japanese defeat in living he also translated some litFrom August 1945 to May 1949, from the Japanese surrenGuomindang and the CCP to the wrote numerous articles for New Banner, a publicly declared Trotskyist fortnightly which was banned by the Guomindang government after 21 issues.
On the eve of the Communist occupation of Shanghai, the group to which he belonged reorganised as the International helped to lead. In the meantime Chaolin systematically phlet On State Capitalism. extended its influence. As a entire membership, together rally been foreseen. As a precauorganisation under Peng Shuzhi, ership to Hong Kong. The membership, together with all the other Chinese Trotskyists were rounded up by the Maoist political although he was fully faced there. His St Peter-like (in 1979 he was declared a prisInternational), Chaolin and Il other survivors of Mao's gaols In all he spent a total of 34 record for political imprisonment set by the French Revolutionary Louis Auguste Blanqui. Chaolin's wife Liu Jingzhen died less than half a year after her and Chaolin's release from a Labour Camp in June 1979.
Their son Frei, born in 1938, died in 1945. In his final years, Chaolin was cared for by his great niece. In the 19 years between his release and his death, Chaolin suffered poor health as a result of his years in prison, but he refused to give in to this. He put enormous effort into reflecting on and writing about events in the world around him. In those years he achieved three main things. First, he helped various historians write true histories of the Chinese Revolution and the CCP (including Chinese Trotskyism), to correct distortions made, consciously or unconsciously, and in particular to refute past slanders and distortions directed by the CCP against Chen Duxiu. Secondly, he reflected independently and systematically on fundamental questions on the Chinese and world Revolution, putting the process and outcome of those reflections into writing in his long essay Cadreism.
Thirdly, he repeatedly demanded of successive congresses of the CCP that they rehabilitate the Chinese Trotskyists, formally declare the Trotskyists (in China and throughout the world) not to be counter-revolutionaries, and to admit that the past suppression of the Trotskyists was wrong. He recorded his efforts in these regards in writings of more than a million Chinese characters. Unfortunately, so far it has been possible to publish only a small part of them. Even though Chaolin enjoyed personal freedom after 1979 and was named as a member of the Shanghai Municipal Political Consultative Committee, he was still labelled a "counter-revolutionary" and still suffered from discrimination. In recent years his memoirs were published "internally" (i.e. for restricted readership) and his translation of D. Merezhkovski's The Gods was republished.
None of his main works, however, which deal with political questions, whether written in prison or after his release, have received permission to be published, because he has all along resolutely maintained his opposition to Stalinism and Maoism. Of his main writings, only his memoirs have appeared in English, in a volume titled An Oppositionist for Life: Memoirs of the Chinese Revolutionary Zheng Chaolin, published in the USA in 1996 by Humanities Press. From these writings, foreign friends can get some idea of the life of this remarkable Chinese Marxist-Trotskyist.