Czech workers reject Thatcherite project
The dream is over!
The Czech Republic is, among the ex-Soviet bloc countries, one of those playing the first league (with Poland) in its effort to join NATO. After 1989 and the "death of Communism" commentators claimed that Czech society including the working class was enthusiastic about capitalist restoration. The international financial organisations waxed lyrical about the fast privatisation project and shock therapy of the conservative government of Vaclav Klaus.
Below we print an article written by Czech militant Pavel for Socialist Outlook. Pavel is one of a group of prominent anti-racist militants who recently left Socialisticka Solidarita, the Czech sister organisation of the British SWP as a result of the bureaucratic paternalism of that international current. They have formed a new organisation, the Socialist Workers Organisation. In the next issue of Socialist Outlook we will carry material on the direction of the SWP international current.
In the 1996 election the myth of public support for the Thatcherite policies of Klaus was deflated when the so-called "democratic" right-wing lost its majority in parliament and the social democrats won their best ever result (26.5 per cent compared to 6.5 per cent in 1992).
Klaus was able to form a coalition government just when the first signals appeared showing that the "central-European tiger" was just a castle of cards.
The new government found it difficult to continue the privatisations and liberalisation with the same speed as before. The workers’ hostility towards the ruling elite was growing.
The sharpest expression of this was the railway workers’ strike in February 1997 which paralysed all railway transport for five days. The government threatened the rail union (OSZ) with a court order, but the metal workers’ union (KOVO), and the miners’ union stated they were ready to go on solidarity strikes, and agricultural workers were prepared to organise a blockade of the railways with farm machinery if there was a scabbing operation. The government was forced to retreat.
The South-East Asian financial crisis last spring automatically affected the East-European economies. In the Czech republic speculative capital ran away from the country and the central bank had to massively intervene in favour the Czech currency. This resulted in implementation of two austerity packages in a period of three months – in March and June 1997.
The unprecedented floods in July moved the public attention away from politics and the government tried to hide behind a mask of "we care so much", using the floods as a justification for of even more cuts. But it wasn’t long until the workers’ response came.
The Czech TUC ( CMKOS) called a major demonstration in Prague on November 8. About 100,000 trade-unionists gathered in heavy rain at one of the main squares in Prague and many of them called for a 24-hour general strike (the demand of the tiny Czech far-left at the demo).
Union leader Richard Falbr was forced to adjust the tone of his speech, and ended up calling for the government’s resignation. Three weeks later the government collapsed in the wake of a series of financial scandals.
The night of the trade union demo was the last for Sudanese student Hassan, who was attacked by two young Nazis. The racist murder sparked off outrage in many people. There was already an atmosphere of intense political debate and sharp criticism of racism in the Czech Republic by the EU, the US senate and the British and Canadian governments, after the mass emigration of Romanies.
Some 10,000 mainly young people joined a demonstration against racist violence at the nearby University of Economics and socialists of Socialisticka Solidarita (British SWP sister organisation) succeeded in leafleting and mobilising for a further action called for the following Saturday by human rights activists.
About 2,500 people came and the socialists became the leading force. Nearly all demonstrators marched to Wenceslas Square (the place of big anti-Stalinist demos in late 1980s) chanting radical slogans, including against the government.
A series of actions continued to be organised and despite the decline in the numbers attending, the anti-racist group IPRA (Initiative Against Racism) was established and remains active today.
April and May 1998 saw the biggest demonstration of students since 1989. While a majority of students support the government and are formally right-wing, this is in contradiction with their material situation.
The protests were over price rises in student dormitory accommodation which has increased massively – by some 400% in 5 years. In March there had been a further rise of 50% . 3,000 students came for the first demonstrative sleep-in at the Old Town Square.
Two weeks later 500 militant students marched from the dormitories through the forbidden area near the parliament building and joined another 1,000 students at the Old Town Square. The protests didn’t succeed in spite of the fact that at one point 2,000 out of 4,000 students in Strahov students area were prepared to boycott rent payments.
Global Street Parties may be a well-known phenomenon in Britain but the first ever in the Czech Republic took place on May 16. The organisers were mainly anarchists – the dominant force on the Czech far left since the early 1990s.
They expected a maximum of 300, but 3,000 young people came and blocked the main road in central Prague. They also destroyed the fascist election billboards, fought the police, smashed two McDonalds shops, a Kentucky Fried Chicken bar and shops owned by fascists at Wenceslas Square, and burned the American flag.
The politicians and media were shocked. As one commentator said to politicians in a TV debate: "First the pensioners ran away from you, now you have lost the youth." (DZJ – the pensioners’ party had 11 per cent of votes in opinion polls)
After the downfall of Klaus, president Havel succeeded in forming a government composed of "his people" – Christian democrats (KDU-CSL), the defectors from ODS (now called US – Freedom Union), ODA (Civic Democratic Alliance) and "independent (i.e. Right-wing) specialists".
Tosovsky, ex-governor of the central bank, became the new prime minister. From the beginning it was clear that the new government will continue with the policies of Klaus.
They wanted to do as much as possible before the election victory of CSSD (Czech Social Democratic Party), but in the face of the working class they were very weak.
Their initial popularity was falling substantially and two weeks before the elections a one-hour strike of state employees erupted. Half a million workers participated and road service staff set up road blockades for an hour.
The results of the most recent elections in June 1998 were surprising for many. Social democrats won 32.5 per cent, ODS 27 per cent, KSCM (Stalinists) 11.2 per cent, KDU-CSL 9 per cent, US 8.6 per cent. The pensioners DZJ failed to win seats, receiving only 3.1 per cent.
The Fascist SPR-RSC led by Fuhrer Sladek saw their votes fall by more than half from 1996 – from 8 per cent to 3.9 per cent.
The social democrats and Stalinists ran a vacuous "promise nothing" election campaign – effectively convincing sections of workers not to vote.
The right wing ODS concentrated all its finances and energy in Prague mobilising the middle classes through a well prepared campaign based on fierce, hysterical anti-Communism and Sladek-styled cult of Klaus’ personality. Right-wing parties (ODS, KDU, US) now have 102 parliamentary seats and the left-wing (KSCM, CSSD) 98.
Forming a government is problematic. The workers will hardly accept a coalition of the three right-wing parties. The Christian democrats don’t want to be in coalition with CSSD government supported by "Communists". The US doesn’t want to support a government of CSSD and KDU-CSL.
Whatever government is formed it is very unlikely to last for four years. The polarisation in Czech society and leftward drift of the workers and their allies is clear.
These elections more than ever before clearly reflected class voting, while the prospects of the Czech economy are euphemistically said not to be very good.
On the eve of the election a 0.9 per cent slump in GDP over the previous 12 months was announced. The government with the participation of CSSD would mean just few months delay in the eruption of the class struggle.
The new Czech bourgeoisie is still very weak. The Czech economy is starved by massive undercapitalisation and very low levels of foreign direct investment.
Workers are no longer ready to tighten their belts as their illusions in capitalism have gone waned. It is likely that new elections will be forced in 1 or 2 years by working class resistance against anything which means unemployment and capitalist restoration.
The Far left (and Trotskyists in particular) have a good chance to win over the most militant section of Czech workers, as the pro-capitalist reformists are quite incapable of resolving their discontent.
Social democracy is merely an election machine – a thousand miles from being a mass workers’ party. It is based on old party members from the years 1945-48, left intellectuals and careerists.
The Stalinist KSCM (160,000 members) is the only mass party in the Czech Republic, but most of its membership is very conservative – mainly pensioners. The leadership and apparatus, despite occasional radicalism, is well accommodated in the new regime.
Its political line is often national chauvinistic and conservative ( eg on issues like drugs and criminality) as well as its electoral base. They maintain their electoral support among workers mainly as protest vote against betrayals and weaknesses of social democracy.
On the other hand, the fascist threat is still there. A recent lobby organised by the social democrats in co-operation with Socialisticka Solidarita and a small left reformist party SDS under the slogan "no coalition with right" was attacked by a Nazi gang linked to SPR-RSC.
In this situation it is a priority is to maintain the broadest unity of the left in action – in campaigns, protests and strikes against the pro-capitalist government and the bosses and in anti-racist work.