turns of capitalism that followed the Second World War. tended positions in the Trotskyist movement.
We print here an article adapted from obituaries by Gilbert Marquis and Tassos Anastassiadis in Rouge, weekly paper of the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire (French section of the Fourth Internatlonal), and a contribution by John Lister looking at the consequences of Pablo's positions for our understanding of Stalinism, nationalism and the nature of the revolutionary process. HIS PERSONAL qualities, his organisational abilities, the freshness he brought to analysis and his role in maintaining Trotskyism in Europe under Nazi occupation made Michel Pablo (Mihalis Raptis) one of the central leaders of the Fourth International.
These qualities were well known throughout the socialist movement. That is why every left wing political organisaton and trade union in crocee expressed their condolences.
Despite his age Pablo participated in a wide range of demonstrations: in soltdarity with Turkish families threatened His theorisation of the period has been one of the most hotly con. with expulsion, in support of workers" struggles, against repression of homosexual prostitutes. He persuaded Greck television to invite old Russian Trotskyists, ornging weir timonics of tre deportation camps and the Left Opposition.
Pablo strongly supported a workers' united front that took up all issues: social. political and cultural. He opposco a purcly workenst approaca to building a revolutionary movement.
Michel Pablo and the Fourth International took up the defence of Tito's Yugoslavia against Stalinist slanders. More than 2,500 young people particifore-front The Hungarian uprising in 1956, with its workers' councils, confirmed Pablo's conceptions of socialism. He insisted that democracy, including multi-party pluralism, was essential. He argued this point with the Yugo slavs, even though he felt their policies. especially self-management' were far more progressive than the Stalinists.
The Fourth International condemned the invasion by Russian troops and defended the Hungarian workers' councils against accusations of want. ing to restore capitalism. However, the International argued that the working class, not the party, must decide whether or not capitalism is restored.
In Algeria Pablo opposed repression of the Communist Party, despite massive disagreements with it, and argued for workers' self-management against the bureaucratic institutions set up by the F.L.N.
Pablo persuaded the Algerian govemment of Ben Bella to provide arms and money to Che Guevara, despite 1995: 'Pobb" paid his respects ot the funeral of Fl leader Ernest Mandel arguing that socialism needed more than Guevara's conception of purely moral stimulants. If workers in the towns and on the land did not receive regular increases in their standard of living then the revolution would be lost.
Pablo was not solely concerned with national liberation movements.
In November 1995 he telephoned an old friend in Paris to express his joy at the deycloping sinke movement "Kohl himself is worried" he claimed.
Pablo spent much of his life in exile from his native Greece. He was only able to return after the overthrow of the military regime.
His long absence perhaps explains why he failed to understand the growth of Greek nationalism. This failure led to other wrong positions, including support for Serbia's war against BosPablo's wrong views on these issues made collaboration with the Greek Trotskyists increasingly impossible.
Pablo's funeral was paid for by the Greek goverment. The Ministers who shed tears on his grave are now trying to transform this great revolutionary into a nationalist.
It is certainly regrettable that Pablo never foresaw this possibility but we shouldn't forget that there are plenty of similar examples in history For our part we should retain the best memories of this revolutionary. this theoretician of action, this seeker for social emancipation.