Major greets the troops WHEN FUNDAMENTAL issues of state are at stake, Labour abandons all pretence to democracy and anti-imperialism and becomes Defender of the Realm. Such is the case with Ireland.
From the outset of the cease-fire the Blair team has collapsed into abject bipartisan unity with the Tories on all aspects of the process-from decommissioning to internal elections as a precursor to talks.
23 March Mechanics Institute, 103 Princess Street, Manchester Ken Coates MEP, Doreen Cameron, john Sheldon, John Lister, Dave Anderson, Kenny Ball sector, health, disabilities and Europe. Network" for £5 waged E2 unwaged Name Address Organisation Unit, 42 Braganza Street, London, SE17. Phone 017| 639 5068 Blair's "me too-ism" in response to whatever Mayhew and Major propose shows that the fundamentals of Labour's strategy are the same as the Tories. They will keep pressure on Nationalists for an acceptance of solutions that will not alter the existing constitutional arrangements unless the Unionists agree-the 'consent' factor; and to gently persuade the Unionists that their political future is safe within the union but that they need to make a few concessions to assuage Nationalist fears of a return to the bad old days of StorSpeakers include: Jeremy Corbyn MP, Audrey Wise MP, Neil Gerrard MP, Workshops on housing, education, JSA, youth rights and benefits, public To register please send cheque/postal order payable to "Welfare State Return coupon to: WSN conference, c/o Southwark Trade Union Support One-day Greek docks strike in solidarity with Liverpool mont.
The supposedly "pro-nationalist" Kevin McNamara was replaced by Mo Mowlam as Labour's spokesperson. She reassured Orangemen that Labour has their best interests at heart. Labour will pander to reaction rather than risk any fracture of the British state.
McNamara has now denounced Blair's bipartisanship as contributing to the collapse of the cease-fire. McNamara calls for London and Dublin to adopt the Mitchell principles so as to allow the restoration of the ceasefire.
Implicit is the suggestion that the Labour Party should be less willing to accommodate to Unionism.
But while McNamara's break with Blair is welcome, his criticism does not deal with the key issues. He accepts that Republican commitment to the Mitchell principles—which effectively demands advance commitments by the IRA to disband and for Sinn Fein to accept whatever comes out of all-party talks-is necessary before any other political moves can be made.
Nor does he question the Framework Document on which talks would be based. This enshrines the Unionist veto. Thus his attack on Blair is over tactics rather than fundamentals.
Current Tory proposals are for discussions, leading to Six County elections, combined with simultaneous "referendums for peace" in the North and South, leading to all-party talksall premised on a permanent cease-fire.
None of this breaks from the framework of partition. It is designed to maintain momentum for a Partitionist solution that incorporates Republicanism.
This is the underlying strategy behind the Framework Document and its predecessors- the Downing Street Declaration and the Anglo-Irish agreement—that critics of Labour's bipartisan policy must challenge.
The British labour movement must address the undemocratic character of Unionism and its veto.
The supremacist ideology of Loyalism gives prior right to the Unionist minority to decide on the political structures that should exist in Ireland, Mo Mowlam, Labour's spokesperson, colludes in preservation of reactionary partition thus denying the right of the majority to make such decisions. This is backed by the military force of the British state.
Any future settlement based on the Unionist veto will be inherently undemocratic and will contain the seeds of conflict since the existence of the sectarian "Orange State" will remain unchallenged.
A return to a full military campaign by the IRA could lead to catastrophe.
Whereas the cease-fire was beginning to make the mass of the Irish people realise that the real enemies of peace and democracy are the British and the Unionists, the resumption of militarist action can only lead to the further isolation of Sinn Fein.
How the cease-fire can be re-instituted should not be the concern of the British labour movement. Nor should we support the imposition of conditions upon Sinn Fein before they can take part in talks Our concern should focus on the fact that a Blair government would not do anything fundamentally different from what the Tories are up to The task of the workers' movement in Britain is not to collude in the preservation of the reactionary partition, but to fight for the withdrawal of the British state from Ireland.
This means demanding Labour's rejection of the Unionist veto - including opposition to the Framework Document and its false notions of "consent"; and opposition to mechanisms like simultaneous referendums and internal elections - that will contribute to the emergence of a re-vamped Six County settlement. from Merseyside to other ports will require a willingness from the TGWU leadership to fight for it.
The dockworkers have now called a national support conference. It is im-. portant that labour movement bodies around the country send delegates to the conference to not only show solidarity, but more importantly to discuss how to build on the magnificent actions of the dockers to ensure they win.