IN RECENT years the Labour Party leadership has hardly forged its identity through clear statements of policy commitment. One area in which it has become categorically clear, however, is in relation to Ireland and the "peace process".
The central thrust of the leadership's position is that they have absolutely no differences with the Tories.
This is not just in terms of acceptance of the general principles of the "tramework document", but even down to Major's insistence on the Republicans' unilateral decommissioning of arms, on an amnesty for political prisoners, and even Major's condemnation of Gerry Adams' visit to the White House.
Although Labour adopted a formal commitment to a united Ireland in 1981, which was further elaborated in the "democratic socialist programme" published in September 1988, Labour has never developed a policy that challenged the role of British imperialism in Ireland.
The "commitment" to a united Ireland never went beyond that of the SDLP or any of the parties in the 26 counties. Under pressure from the developing mass movement around the hunger strikes and the loss of votes of Irish people living in Britain, Labour made a formal commitment, while at the same time avoiding any concrete proposals for a British withdrawal, while denouncing the nationalists who were fighting British imperialism.
The appointment of Mo Mowlam as Labour's Shadow Secretary for Northern Ireland marked a decisive shift in Labour Party policy on Ireland. As the Independent put it, "a central part of her job is to explain why the government is right".
Labour policy has effectively moved from the "constiHis master's voice: Labour's policy for Ireland follows a few steps behind John Major tutional nationalist" camp to that of the overt pro-imperialists. The formal commitment to a united Ireland has been dropped without discussion.
According to Mowlam "l understand that the language of the [framework] document is nationalist, but once the Unionists get beyond that, there is plenty for them to talk about. It is important that in any talks the Maginnis document is also Thus the Labour leadership is claiming the same role that British imperialism has always claimed in respect to its oldest colony, that of an "impartial" peacekeeper caught between two "backward warring factions".
According to this view, the Unionists' demand to maintain their position of minor privilege over Catholics and nationalists in the six counties is no less valid than the nationalists' demand for national This shift in policy raises some fundamental questions, firstly over democracy and how Labour policy is increasingly being changed at the whim of the party leadership in contradiction to existing democratically decided policy.
The framework document offers no solution to the national question. Partition was established precisely to divide and rule the Irish masses and cover up the role of British Party, the political wing of the imperialism. Ulster Volunteer Force (the For sections of the existing sectarian gangsters with the republican leadership to be closest links to MI5 and to taken on board in this process fascist groups in Britain and may further hide the role of Europe) as socialist! British imperialism, but it will The lack of opposition to not resolve the question of op- Labour's turn in policy shows pression of nationalists in the the need for anti-imperialists North. to organise a strong current within the Labour Party and Weakness the broader labour movement to demand a British withOne of the important probdrawal from Ireland and an lems in all of this is the inability of the left in Britain to oppose end to partition.
If the current demobilisa"our own" imperialism.
tion of nationalists in Ireland The largest section of the continues, this may prove an anti-imperialist movement, extremely difficult task at prethe Troops Out Movement, sent, but it will remain a nechas little base within the trade essary task for all socialists. unions or Labour Party. The Labour Committee on Ireland • THE TROOPS Out Moveis now semi-defunct. Much of ment AGM has decided to the rest of the left has been relaunch TULINK, a camthrown even further into con- paign against labour movefusion over the whole "peace ment bipartisanship. process" • CAMDEN IRISH Centre Such is the confusion that Weds June 28: Irish Peace Militant Labour now describes Initiative launch with the Progressive Unionist Mitchell McLochlainn.
BY TONY SMITH Why "Lean Production" won't ellmiate, the antagonism between capital and labour. Tony Smith's book explains how socialism can match the dynamism of "lean production".
For your copy send a cheque for £3.50 payable to 'Pierre Rousset' to IIRE, Postbus 53290, 1007 Rg Amsterdam, Netherlands.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK No 85, June 10 1995. Page 8.
In this special 3-page dossier on the crisis in Central Africa, Bala Kumar charts the background to the recent massacres, while Charles Mullet (p10) examines the role of French imperialism, and a noted Belgian writer explains his view on the situation in Burundi
LEAN PRODUCTION: A CAPITALIST UTOPIA?