was one of the leaders of the student movement in May 1968. Today he a leading member of the League (LCR). SONIA LEITH asked him about the implications of the election for the left.
FRENCH Jean-Marie Le Pen (National Front) won 15% of votes - his best score ever. Why? He managed to project his "respectable " image. This let the Front ride on the fallout of unemployment and marginalisation, deeply felt by a range of layers in society. They also profited from the corruption scandals plaguing the main parties.
The National Front is clearly putting down roots in the "basement" of French society. Le Pen's best scores were in regions with relatively large immigrant populations. Most worrying is the evidence that Le Pen was the most popular candidate among voters representing the "classic" sociological working class.
Communist Party Secretary Robert Hue claims the 1.9% increase in his party's score compared to 1988 is a "major event".
The halt in their long term decline is certainly something they are happy about, but one shouldn't ex- exploited. aggerate the importance of the extra votes - mainly protests against the Socialist Party.
And the problem is that CP conservatives will now say there is no need for further modernisation, while the "reformers" will be encouraged to push for more. One real success was the reemergence of a milieu of intellectuals who were again willing to support the Communist Party.
"Workers' Struggle" candidate Arlette Laguiller got over 5% -and announced her plan to create a "large left party"
She started her campaign with her usual abstract critique of capitalism. Then, deed. when she realised she was Red-Green candidate having an effect, particularly Michelle Voynet only among former CP voters, polled 3.35 per cent— she began to propose transi- doesn't this show the tional demands - an Emer- failure of the alternative gency Plan. This was a left-green recomposition historic first for Lutte Ouvri- you have been working ere (Workers Struggle).
for?
Some of her proposals were good, some were ultra- Any recomposition was left, and some of what she doomed from the moment Voynet was only proposed said about the state rather by the Greens. She tried to vague. But still, she no longer proposes a "mass catch up later, by stressing revolutionary party" but a the elements in her probroad party to fight for the gramme which imply a rupture with the existing liberal consensus - the 35 hour What does this new proposition mean? Maybe week, solidarity, internationnothing - the last issue of alism and so on - and by their paper didn't repeat Ar- accepting the support of a lette's propositions. range of alternative left Maybe it's a classical groups. Lambertiste proposition - ig- But Green she remained for the public and the media. noring the really existing poAnd in the end she scored litical forces, especially the non-revolutionary parts of less votes than the Green candidate A. Waechter in 1988. the alternative left and the ecological movement, and simply proclaiming a broad French Green movement deserted her, and she picked up initiative, which would be nothing more than a sectar- new support on the alternaian operation based on a tive left. But not much. She says she was seen as "too Lutte Ouvriere core - a proBut maybe LO is really thinking about building a What now? workers' party - which The LCR calls for a vote would be very interesting in- against Chirac in the second Around. But we have no illuChirac: LCR calls for a vote against sions in Jospin, especially after 14 years of Socialist Party management of the collary, The growth in social struggles during the election A part of the (very small) period shows that more and more workers are fed up with passivity.
• Over five million voters supported left-wing candidates who criticised the Socialist Party's management of the bourgeoisie's austerity plans. This is a period of remobilisation. We need to find the political keys, to avoid the mobilisation falling flat.
That is why we initially called for a left unity candidate to the left of the Socialist Party. We were unsuccessful, but the current situation is still crying out for such a realignment.
If we miss this moment, a whole new generation of militants will be disillusioned, confused or sucked up by the Socialist Party and the Communists. This is the time to start opening spaces for common action and building spaces for common reflection. • Interviewed in Paris on April 25 by Sonia Leith.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK No.83, May 13 1995, Page 7