Gorbachev has unilaterally announced the impending withdrawal of Soviet troops from Cuba, amid intense speculation that the US administration might even be contemplating a marxists. But what kind of regime is it today? In July, ALAIN KRIVINE and JEANETTE HABEL, leaders of the French Trotskyist organisation, the Ligue Communiste Revolutionnaire, visited Cuba. We reprint here the second part of an interview with them published in the LCR's newspaper 'Rouge'. The translation is by Patrick Baker. Q: What is happening in terms of the bureaucratisation of the regime?
AK: It is clearly visible. Obviously neither the leadership nor the party are comparable to eastern Europe- they did not develop out of a real counter-revolution.
Among the 600,000 CP members the situation is contradictory. Some of them are amongst those who have worked the hardest volontary work, the war in Angola - while corruption has hit other layers.
It's the existence of a single party, tied into the state apparatus, and into the sapping of grass roots popular power which provides the basis for a layer of bureaucrats.
We were often received by the 'party secretary', the only one who speaks, who knows anywhere... everything And it is the samé official and can go who will tell you that the new line aims to give a voice to the people...
In a cigar factory it took me some time to discover that among those who said nothing and left the party secretary to talk, there was the factory director!
These methods are frequently denounced by leaders, but they don't put forward any concrete solution. For example, we went to a barracks, along with the general secretary of the Young Communists.
He made a two hour speech against bureaucracy to 50 officers. This was "to resist the imperialist offensive, real ›opular power, which is very popular, ut has absolutely no power. At the top we have an Assembly of the People which has considerable power but is cut off from the people.!
In fact, the functioning of the Cuban regime is based on a mixture of the traditions inherited from the armed struggle, and a Cuban copy of Soviet stalinism, with a considerable amount of insolence and critical spirit thrown in. The leadership knows how to listen, but governs in a paternalist way.
So there is a real problem with democracy, even if the Cuban government has never used the gulag. The demand for democratisation and debate is very strong. Surprisingly, there is not the same demand for pluralism. The hatred of the USA, the feeling of being the only country to resist imperialism, and the rejection of any idea of allowing a 'pro-american' party to form perhaps explain this. Q: The IVth party congress has been set for October. What JH: The seriousness of the situation risks slowing down, if not preventina essential political changes. And economic and social tensions haven'tyet translated into politics. Everyone agrees that the dissident groups are not repre sentative.
The big debates aretaking place inside the party and the Young Communists, as well as some mass organisations.
The main discussions are on economic Policy and pole pal toro being policy and The questioned, , particularly the way that leaderships are elected. They are trying to debureaucratise the bureaucracy without going to the root of the problem.
bad years', when they 'copied' The the USSR, are being questioned - while emphasising that the regime has always had a base incomparable with eastern Europe But the problem is that they lon't mention the basic causes of bureaucratisation and corruption - the monopoly on power, the single party system, and the privileges associated with it.
The single party system is justified by theneed to defend the revolution and the understanding that 'divide and rule' is the USA's favourite tactic. But to resist the imperialist offensive, real changes are vital. Popular power must become real power, which is not limited to local government, but allows real workers' self-management.
Second, political pluralism is an absolute necessity. Debates and confrontations between different currents and policies are essential for political health.
This is the only way that the corruption linked to a monopoly of power can be avoided. It could allow politicisation, and combat passivity and demoralisation, or even a dangerous depoliticisation of young people. Q: From what you've been saying, a noose is tightening around the neck of the Cuban revolution...
JH: It is at a turning point. The combination of external pressures, in an transformed, unfavourable international situation, is a considerable threat.
In 1983, there was the intervention in Grenada; in 1989; it was Panama; this year there was the Gulf war... Today. the Americans' main aim is the defeat of the Cuban revolution. Q: That poses decisive choices for the Cuban leadership - they in Miami, is to say to Castro's leadership You say that your regime has enormous popular support. Prove it by organising elections!
Not only will Washington not relax the blockade, but it makes any economic aid conditional on the holding of 'free elections'. The Cuban leadership must made at the Congress, obviously need to combine an economic response with a political and structural perspective. First of all, it seems likely that in the current difficult situation, the Cuban leadership will have to retreat.
That could take the form of economic reforms which allow mixed enterprises to develop- which is already happening, in fact - going further than what was allowed by the 1982 law, which allowed up to 50% ownership by foreign capital.
This could involve farming and small businesses, which would improve the chances of increasing the popular standard of living. But it would also give rise to social differentiation and corruption.
The alternative would be a sort of 'war communism' -but it's difficult to see how that would be viable for long. If you move towards economic openness, towards the penetration of foreign capital and privatisation, that poses the problem of the policies that inevitably accompany these measures.
One possibility would be a similar road to that taken in China and Vietnam. This is definitely the policy of some leaders.
Another possibility would be to grasp the nettle of measures acceptable to the Miami emigrants. This would mean an openness which was not based on inreased popular control. On the contrary t would allow the intervention of parties linked to the emigrants - which means, in the long term, the liquidation of the gains of the revolution.
At the moment, this is unthinkable. But it is openly supported by Gorbachev and might WIn support from Cuban bureaucrats who are looking for a new way to preserve their power 4 third possibility would be an increase in social control of the towns and the factories, with the aim of limiting price rises and corruption.
The dilemma facing the sections of society who are most conscious of the problems facing the revolution is that hey fear that opening up means risking US intervention.
But on the other hand, isn't allowing the Cuban people to intervene directly into this crisis essential for the unity which is needed to defend the country?
The other options are much more angerous. Also, even those who suppor the Tietnamese' or 'Chinesé' road ar sking what such a policy would mea 00 kilometres from the USA. Tiananme Square in Havana would be the end of the revolution..
ut let's be modest. No-one has a ready ecipe for a third world island of 10 mil lion people, trying to build socialism in such an unfavourable international situation. This is why there is such a need for solidarity: Q: So what should we do?
JH: At the same time as questioning political choices and certain policies, we shouldn't forget our primary duty solidarity. The Cuban revolution is a real revolution which still has real popular Sort, even if it's decreasing upport will last This is where solidarity comes in. Ob viously, it will be easier to extend that support when the limitations on democracy are lifted.
AK: As you can see, we are not uncritical supporters of the Cuban regime and Tanette is right to emphasise the seriousness of the situation..
That's why we can't play P'ontius Pilate in the battle between the Cuban revolution and its opponents, East and West. An imperialist victory in Cuba would be a defeat for people everywhere, not just Latin America.
We have many things to say about democracy in Cuba, but it's for the Cuban people to sort these things out - certainly not the US administration.
No.8 Sept. 28, 1991 Page 11 ...%
Prospero's because Peter Greenaway all the parts, he becomes on-
changes are vital. Popular power must become real power, which is not limited to local government, but allows real workers' self-management" often perceptive: 'At the base we have
political and institutional changes have been proposed?
form the backdrop to the IVth congress of the Communist Party. How is the debate going?
"Paking into account the gravity of the situation, the question is how long that