WORKING people do not join the Labour Party because they want it to run capitalism better than the Tories and Liberal Democrats.
They do not support Labour in order to accept the dictates of the banks, or because they place their trust in market forces. That is the way to massive cuts in health, education, social services, house building.
Clause IV represents the fundamental social principle which makes Labour distinct from just another capitalist party. It codifies principles upon which the Labour Party must rest if it is to become a genuinely radical party.
Clause 4 is not a full socialist programme. But it does propose popular control of the blind forces of the market through social ownership. Nationalisation of the banks and the main sec-. tors of production under popular democratic control is a key. to any socialist vision of society.
It is not the socialists who are the dinosaurs, but Tony Blair's backward-looking team of LibLabers. If they get their way they will take us us back to a situation comparable to the last century, when there was no Labour Party.
Socialism is still a new idea. The problem is that the ideas encapsulated in Clause 4, (Pt 4), have never been put into practice.
The Soviet Union and other so-called 'socialist' states were a bureaucratic caricature of such a vision, which is why the mass of people rejected them.
Blair's offensive against Clause 4 is a crucial step for him if he is to overthrow the present character of the Labour Party, transforming it into a new Liberal party, something like the US Democrats. It will still require successful and decisive attacks on the trade union link for it to become a reality, but defending the Clause is a part of this struggle.
Unfortunately the new right wing offensive announced in the leader's speech has more chance of success than did the last serious attempt to ditch Clause 4, by Hugh Gaitskell in 1959.
Today's Labour Party has been weakened by the debilitating effects of 'New Realist' ideology - in reality old-fashioned class collaboration - in the unions and the Party.
Tragically, even sections of the erstwhile left refuse to defend Clause 4 and have fallen on their knees before Blair with their newly published redraft.
The defeatist approach begins with the 'principle' that if you can't beat them join them -occupy their ground. It's the same opportunist logic followed by Blair himself in relation to 'the market' and the Tory dominated consensus. The problem is that the ideas encapsulated in Clause 4 have never been implemented The result of this policy, for which parts of the 'soft' left will have a fair share of responsibility, would be as disastrous for Labour as it has been for the US The soft left redraft has very little to do with socialism and, unlike Clause 4, could be supported by the capitalist class.
State ownership of the utilities and a modicum of wealth redistribution through progressive taxation would be quite acceptable to the anti-socialist right of the Party as well as to a lot of Liberals.
Even the references to socialism in the soft left redraft are no problem - Blair has already insisted on this figleaf being included. Unfortunately it is just a sop.
The soft left re-draft, which, according to the Guardian enjoys the support of Tribune and the New Statesman, is a disaster politically and tactically.
Even the Campaign Group proposal, which has at least the intent of only adding an addendum to the existing Clause, is a concession to this right wing pressure.
If the intention is to 'defend and extend' a socialist commitment, then maybe an addendum could be justified.
However, in the the present situation, the Defend Clause 4 Defend Socialism campaign is right to defend it - unamended.
DEFENDING CLAUSE IV ing would be a retreat in the face of pressure from Blair and the ruling class — a capitulation in the face of the offensive against Address for support, donations and information: Clause 4 Manchester, c/o 17 Beech Hurst Close, Manchester M16 8EP. Tel 061 881 1377.