As the final votes are tallied in Mozambique's first multi-party elections a permanent end to the civil war remains elusive.
Joaquim Chissano, the incumbent President and Frelimo candidate has a convincing lead in the Presidential race with 60%. His main rival, Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama trails with 26%.
The National Assembly contest has been much closer with Frelimo gaining 50% and Renamo 30%.
Western governments and the U.N. have made it clear that regardless of the result, they want a Government of National Unity, with Dhlakama as Vice-President.
So far Frelimo has resisted will be given a say in Cabinet appointments.
Whenever Renamo has dragged its feet on the peace process, UNOMEZ (UN Operation in Mozambique) has virtually bribed it, drawing from a "trust fund" of US $10 million set up during the 1992 Rome Peace accords. The U.N. is desperate for success after its disastrous record in Angola and Blind eye In two years it has spent almost US S1 billion and has turned a blind eye to numerous accord violations by Renamo.
Renamo's strong performance is a rude shock to Frelimo who believed that its brutal conduct in the war would not be forgotten by the people.
Initially created by the white desia Zimbabwe), Renamo was from 1980 funded and armed by the South African Defence Forces in order to destabilise Frelimo which supported the ANC and SWAPO.
Their campaign of terror included murder, torture and mutilation, destruction of food crops and burning of entire vil lages. Schools and health clinics were bombed.
That continued even after the Nkomati Accords of 1984. Frelimo closed down ANC bases in Mozambique in retur for unfilled promises of an end to South African assistance to Renamo.
In spite of this, millions have voted for this party. There is an awareness of the background to the resumption of war in Angola: The belief was encouraged that if Renamo was not given a sufficient stake in the electoral system, it would resume the war.
Many mistakes were made by Frelimo in their counter -terror campaigns including the use of similar tactics to Renamo. Its conversion from an anti-colonial, anti-imperialist movement into part of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie has also contributed to its unpopularity.
This election scarcely made a mention of the economic and social issues which now pre-occupy most Mozambiquans. The Frelimo government abandoned its rhetorical adherence to "marxism-leninism" and is implementing a structural adjustment programme under World bank supervision.
There are no differences between Renamo and Frelimo on economic policy, though Renamo has pressed for a slowdown in the privatisation of state enterprises!
Outside of the gains made in literacy and health - care after 1974, largely eroded by the civil war, Frelimo has never taken the opportunity for a qualitative brake with neo - colonialism and the extension of democratic rights and social control over production by workers and poor peasants.
The strikes that shook towns and cities over August are a premonition of the times ahead for the new government.
Meanwhile as soldiers on both sides are demobbed, many may turn to banditry to support themselves since neither jobs or homes exist for them. Caches of arms have been hidden across the country, and there is always employment in war.
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