successes of Italy's neofascist MSI brought street demonstrations by open supporters of fascist dictator Mussolini. Four fascists now hold ministerial posts in the right wing coalition government. But the votes gathered by the MSI, like those for the Northern League and for Silvio Berlusconi's right wing Forza Italia party, stem more from the collapse of support for the corrupt and discredited Christian Democrats and Socialist Party than from conscious support for fascism. The fascist salutes may look the same, but there is a world of difference between today's situation and the conditions that brought Mussolini to power in 1922. Here we reprint extracts from LEON TROTSKY analysing the special characteristics of fascism at that time, and explaining the roots of Mussolini's victory. spontaneous movement of large masses, with new leaders from the rank and file. It is a plebeian movement in origin, directed and finánced by big capitalist powers. It issued forth from the petty bourgeoisie, the slum proletariat, and even to a certain extent the proletarian masses. Mussolini, a former socialist, is a 'self-made' man, arising from this movement." ITALIAN Tascism was the immediate outgrowth of the betrayal by the reformists of the uprising of the Italian proletariat.
From the time the [first worid] war ended, there was an upward trend in the revolutionary movement in Italy, and in September 1920 it resulted in the seizure of factories and industries by the workers.
The dictatorship of the proletariat was an actual fact; all that was lacking was to organise it and draw all the necessary conclusions.
The social democrats took fright and sprang back. After its bold and heroic exertions, the proletariat was left facing the void.
The disruption of the revolutionary movement became the most important factor in the growth of fascism. In September, the revolutionary advance came to a standstill; and November already witnessed the first major demonstration of the fascists (the seizure of Bologna).
True, the proletariat, even after the September catastroMussolini (above and top left) seized power in 1922 phe, was capable of waging defensive battles. But the social democrats were concerned with only one thing: to withdraw the workers from combat, at the cost of one concession or another.
The social democrats hoped that the docile conduct of the workers would restore the "public opinion' of the bourgeoisie against the fascists. Moreover the reformists even banked strongly on the help of King Victor Emmanuel.
Restrained
To the last hour they restrained the workers with might and main from giving battle to Mussolini's bands. It availed them nothing. The crown, along with the upper crust of the bourgeoisie, swung over to the side of fascism.
Convinced at the last moment that fascism was not going to be checked by obedience, the social democrats issued a call to the workers for a general strike. But their proclamation suffered a fiasco.
The reformists had dampened the powder for so long, in their fear lest it should explode, that when they finally with a trembling hand did apply a burning fuse to it, the powder did not catch.
Two years after its inception, fascism was in power.
It entrenched itself thanks to the fact that the first period of its overlordship coincided with a favourable economic conjuncture, which followed the depression of 1921-22.
The fascists crushed the retreating proletariat by the onrushing forces of the petty bourgeoisie. But this was not achieved at a single blow. Even after he had assumed power, Mussolini proceeded on his course with due caution: he lacked as yet ready-made models.
During the first two years not even the constitution was altered. The fascist government took on the character of a coalition. In the meantime the fascist bands were busy at work with clubs, knives and pistols.
Only thus was the fascist government created slowly, which meant complete strangulation of all independent mass organisations. Mussolini. attained this at the cost of bureaucratising the fascist party itself.
rious, finance capital directly and immediately gathers into its hands.
as in a vice of steel, all the organs and institutions of sovereignty, the execulive, administrafive, and educalional powers of the state: the entire state apparatus together with the array, the municipalities, the universities, the schools, the press, the trade unions, and the cooperatives.
When a state lurns fascist, it does not mean only that the forms and methods of government are changed in accordance with the patterns set by Mussolial -the changes in this sphere ultimately lay a minor cale - buf It means first of all for the most part that the workers organisattons are annibilated, that the proletarlal is reduced to an amorphous state, and that a system oi administration Is created which делеtrates deeply into the masses and which serves to frustrate the independent crystallisation of the proletarial. Therein precisely is the gist of fascism. After utilising the . onrushing forces of the petty bourgeoisie, fascism strangled it within the vice of the bourgeois state.
Mussolini could not have done otherwise. for the disillusionment of the masses he had united was precipitating itself into the most immediate danger ahead. MARXISM Fascism, become bureaucratic, approaches very closely to other forms of military and police dictatorship. It no longer possesses its former social support. The chief reserve of fascism - the petty bourgeoisie -has been depleted. Only historical inertia enables the fascist government to keep the proletariat in a state of dispersion and helplessness. From Leon Trotsky's What Next? Vital Questions for the German Proletariat, 1932.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK No. 66, July 1994, Page 14