ties re-emerged, virtually from nowhere, and placed themselves at the head of the mass movement, determined to pursue a purely democratic programme.
The leaders of both parties joined Admiral Spinola's first two governments of 'National Salvation', and did everything to preserve their alliance with the different sections of left-wing military officers.
Over the summer, despite concessions, a huge strike wave developed. In August a Second Provisional Government, supported by the CP, attempted to impose anti-strike laws.
6,000 Lisnave ship-building workers marched illegally on Lisbon, daring troops to shoot them. They called for an end to capitalism and 'democracy for the workers and repression for the reactionaries'. A mass demonstration was called for September 28 by the most militant factory councils.
In response Spinola called a march of the "silent majority' and launched his first presidential coup. His march was prevented by a semi-uprising of the Lisbon working class, while the CP and far-left PRP-BR mobilised armed militias. Despite this victory, the CP and SP continued their coalitionism.
During the winter the bourgeoisie exported capital to sabotage the economy, leading to factory occupations and growing demands for nationalisation of enterMARXISM prises. In January, armed agricultural workers in the Alentejo began land occupations.
Rank and file committees were established everywhere whilst certain army regiments, notably the Fifth Division, were infiltrated by the workers' parties.
Big capital launched a second Spinola coup on 11 March, involving bombardment of the left wing RAL-1 barracks. The working class response was immediate; armed barricades and road-blocks of workers and soldiers remained in force for a week. Leftist units opened up arsenais to the workers.
The mass movement flourished, throwing up new forms of organisation in workplaces, barracks and popular areas. Factory councils began to implement measures of workers control and management of industry.
Elements of dual power were coming into existence, though not yet fully centralised into Soviets. Revolution was on the streets and it was armed. March 11 the CP and SP did not break with the bourgeoisie. The centrist Guide and Copcon documents (militant sections of the MFA) called for workers' power and socialism, but also insisted on the 'Unity and discipline of the armed forces, 'respect for the constitution' and a 'peopleMFA' multi-class alliance. the mass movement, but the mass workagainst each other, undermining the unity of the workers. Both shied away from breaking with the leftist military to form which would have propelled the revoluIn July, following the famous occupation of the Republica newspaper by leftist forces, the Socialists and the bourgeois PPD left the Fourth Provisional Government to launch a bitter anti-Communist attract some working class support, denouncing the Republica incident as a violation of workers' democracy; the CP's use of 'private militias' to settle disputes these claims, SP leader Soares had, in reality, launched the counter-revolution, mobilising the more backward sectors of the workers along with the middle classes against the militant workers and soldiers. In the SP strongholds of the North and Oporto many labour movement buildThe collapse of the Fifth Provisional Government and the formation of the Sixth of Azevado in September, was the first real fruit of the SP led counter-revolution. Azevado promised to roll back nationalisations, promote business interests, strengthen relations with the EC and most importantly, restore 'law and order' strengthen the riot police and formed the AMI, composed of commandos, ex-foreign legionnaires and mercenaries. This force attacked strikers and demonstrators, destroyed left wing Radio Renascenca and imposed press censorship. chiefly of the SP and PPD, together with the MFA Assembly, whose leftist majority had been bureaucratically reversed. It was also joined by a CP minister. Behind the scenes a rapid regroupment of political and state forces was taking place, leading inevitably to a collision: tragically, this show-down was not to be PorRenewed offensive most advanced sections of the masses renewed their offensive. Plans for leftist coups and insurrections were being widely discussed. The masses were confronted with the pressing question of which class ruled and who should form the next government. populist military leader who accommodated to the CP (who in turn were wedded to Popular Frontism), or was it to be the weak and divided forces of the revolutionary left, temporarily united in the FUR, a loose federation of disparate Unfortunately, because of previous disunity and, in most cases, ultra-left sectarianism, they were not seen as a serious alternative by the Portuguese workers.
The far-left joined in promoting the general insurrectionary mood without • placing demands on the CP-Carvalho
INSIDE BABYLON: The Caribbean Diaspora in Editors: Winston James and Clive Harris £12.95, Verso 1993, 317pp Reviewed by Bala Kumar SOCIALIST OUTLOOK No. 61, April 30, 1994, Page 11