'WE WILL NOT condone or tolerate any act of indiscipline. Any attempt to test our will will be decisively dealt with'.
It was with these words that General Sani Abacha ended his broadcast to the nation on No vember 18 informing the Nigerian people of his military take-over.
The interim civilian administration of Ernest Shonekan, appointed by the former military dictator, General Ibrahim Babangida, was dissolved as were all national and state assemblies.
Nigeria's two legal political parties, were also dissolved, undoing the carefully planned democratic transition thrown into confusion by Babangida's repudiațion of the June 12 electoral result. (See SO 45)
Abacha's takeover came as little surprise. He was seen as the real power behind the 83 day long civilian government.
In its place he has appointed a Provisional Ruling Council(PRC) which has a few civilians but is largely composed of Abacha loyalists.
The back-drop to the takeover was the upsurge in labour militancy over the astronomical price increase or oil and a Lagos High Court ruling on November 10 which declared the Shonekan regime as being illegal.
Oil prices
Oil prices were increased by 700% to increase the revenue of the State and to satisfy IMF and World Bank demands to make Nigerian state owned corporations profitable in preparation for their privatisation.
The High Court ruling was "The strike virtually paralysed activities. Workers took to the streets and erected barricades on major highways " the last nail in the coffin of the Shonekan regime removing any residual fig-leaf of legitimacy.
The 3.5 million strong Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) began an indefinite strike for a reduction in the oil price hike.
Though Frank Kokori of the National Union of Petroleum and Gas Workers was speaking for many when he said, "The issue is June 12 and we are ready to do anything to restore it'.
West Africa magazine captured the atmosphere. "The strike virtually paralysed activities as workers staved awar from work. Banks closed, with business activities coming to a halt. Workers took to the streets, lit bonfires, erected barricades on major highways generally disturbing the flow of traffic...
*In most southern parts of the country, the cities became ghost towns while in some parts of the northern states workers were vet to join, either because the state labour unions did not have enough time to mobilise or because they did not believe in the Consolidate Abacha had to move fast before the country became ungovernable in the interests of the capitalist class. He has been quick to consolidate his authority on the military high command, by transferring out Babangida loyalists and moving his own men in.
The bourgeois politicians are split over their next step. Some have welcomed the take-over and are now ingratiating themselves with Abacha.
Other civilian politicians are holding out for fresh elections in the New Year when they hope that their allies and themselves are returned.
At present the Campaign for Democracy (CD) which groups about 40 human rights organisations has been giving political direction to the pro-democracy protests.
Their demands have only gone so far as the restoration of the June 12 decision. A much more ambitious program of genuine multi-party democracy, opposition to austerity programs and a call for a workers and poor peasants party is needed.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK No. 54, December 11 1993, Page 13 AJOKAR school-students