*CLO RES OFFICIAL PICKET MINERS You said it! nounced demands for a 24-hour general strike as a "legal noose' put its head through, and even dismissed Scargill's more modest call for a day of action.
Instead, we got the laughable 'Day of National Recovery" in December 9, with trade unionists asked so secure expressions of concern about job losses from their bosses, including those who had already sacked thonsands. Few bothered.
There was a plea to switch oil our lighting for five minutes on the Saturday before Christmas, perhaps a deliberately ironic echo of the Switch on at Six' campaign during the Great Scargili continued his agitation, but the TUC put the dampers on his call for a day of action January 19 as not 'appropriate". Then there was the TUC's Jobs Action Day" of February 18.
Scargill had used an carlier Tany i care to propose do 10 be turned into a South Africanstyle "stay-away". using this euphemism to skirt the anti-unOFFICIAL ion laws banning solidarity action. his thrust, while pointing out the drawbacks with the wording. However, the TUC insisted that Jobs Action Day was 'not a call for industrial action. broad-based activity to demand change.
In March, the TUC called a demo at three days' notice, in protest at the white paper. Un. surprisingly, it was poorly attended. Liberal Democrat MP Simon Hughes used the subsequent rally to support strike action.
Dodged
Labour frontbenchers MarRaret Beckett and Frank Dobson dodged the question.
The brightest hope of turning the tide came in April, when the rail union leaderships, under rank-and-file pressure, reluctantly organised two one-day stoppages against job losses in heir industry. They were synchronised with similar action from the NUM, and a TUC call to spread the anti-privatisation struggle would have won a wide None came, while Labour's national executive expressly declined to back the strikes. Ultimately, rail leaders Knapp and Fullick used pseudo-concessions from British Rail to block further activity.
This was a clear signal to the Tories that, as far as the official labour movemens was con cerned, the fight was finished. The collieries began to close.
It is clear now that only much more militant tactics earlier in Will miners bury Heseltine? the dispute, involving occupation of the pits and other forms of industrial action, could have created the depth of political crilonged mobilisation necessary for victory.
The NUM's defeat will have contradictory consequences. The ruling class will push home their advantage. The NUM and RuT have been punished with loss of check-off facilities.
Oil workers and journalists face industry-wide derecognition drives. New legislation enables bosses to refuse trade unionists pay rises granted to people on personal contracts, gravely undermining collective bargaining.
Wage cuts
For the first time in decades, there is a danger of widespread US-style "give-backs". The 3.5 cal government unions in Sherfield carlier this year set a terrible precedent.
Timex management, with the agreement of ABEU tops, last week tried to "settle' the ongoing dispute in Dundee with a 27 per cent wage cut. British Airslash salarics by 30 per cent. More employers are likely to try it on.
Even where pay is going up. settlements are averaging under 3 per cent, the lowest rate for 25 years. Only firefighters have shown real determination to bust the 1.5 per cent public sec Pivocal though disputes like Timer or Bumall arc, incy ory involve relatively small groups of workers. Government statisties show that, in terms of overall strike-days, industrial action is still basically at its lowest ebb since records began in the On the positive side, the political situation has visibly ENT changed. The Newbury and county council elections and recent opinion polls show support for the Conservative Party at a dustrial picture can rapidly tum around.
SOCIALIST OUTLOOK No. 45 June 26 1993. Page 6