Twenty years after the first Lesbian and Gay Pride march in Britain and the beginning of the lesbian and gay liberation movement, full legal equality for lesbians and gay men is a distinct possibility. This would* be the first positive change in the law since the 1967 Act partially decriminalised male homosexuality. PETER PURTON, Outlook supporter and activist in the Labour Campaign Lesbian and Gay (LCLGR), explains both the possibilities opened up by and the limitations of legal reform. IF LABOUR forms the next government it is likely, thanks to the work of LCLGR, that we will at least see the outlawing of discrimination on grounds of homosexuality, the repeal of Section 28, and a free vote on the age Campaign poster from Hong Kong Page 8 June 22, 1991 No. 4 of consent, with government backing for full equality.
While this will represent a victory for those who have fought long and lonely battles on this issue, it will not in itself bring about the end of oppression. Those who believe that the law is the source of lesbian and gay oppression and, conversly, those on the left who argue that changing the law will alter nothing, are both wrong. An effective fight for lesbian and gay liberation needs to understand that fighting for law reform is very important -sufficient. en us which oppress ostians and Be men serve a number of functions. Socialist haviour that is legal for heterosexuals, is criminalised. Lesbians and gay men are discriminated against in services, rights as for parents, rights as partners, and in many other ways. But oppressive laws also serve maintain the homosexuality is heterosexuality - heterosexism.
1967 Act The 1967 Act helped create the possibilty our rights. But it left intact the public policy of the state that homosexuality was still inferior and in many cases illegal. If one positive result was a partial lifting of the courts under when the Tories finally and the North of Ireland. that its repeal is irrelevant. As LCLGR challenging was part ot as the cause of the 'AIDS plague' but it is not ideology that inferior to publicly and openly for only as a possibility. hideous consequences of total illegality, one negative result was that many more people have been dragged before the discrimination, the remaining portrayal, and viölent attacks provisions of the Sexual Offences Acts. This happened again extended the '67 Act to Scotland fact that racism is rampant and Section 28. is a classic example of how the law functions. Whilst not all of the worst ears of sections of the Stop the popular consciousness Clause campaign have beer realised, it is wrong to conclude that Section 28 didn't matter, or a hangover from some historical accident. Nor is it merely ig. repeatedly norant prejudice which could be pointed out at the time, there resolved by a little rational dis are two disasterous effects. Local authorities have abanpression of the way society is ordoned equality initiatives, cen- ganised around soring themselves for fear of the law. The and consequently a society of deliberate reaffirmation by the compulsory heterosexuality. Section that lesbian and gay relationships are 'pretended' concerted ideological offensive by the vigorously.
changing society. The privileged Tories to re-assert their social values.
In the same process they legitimised the targeting of lesbians and gay men for prejudice, ridicule, discrimination and violent assault. The renewed spate of murderous attacks in 1989 bears witness to that. So does the continuing popular prejudice against lesbians and, particularly, gay men The repeal of these discriminatory laws will have dramatic benefits. First will be the immediate material gains. Gay men will no longer risk imprisonment for having sexual relationships. Lesbians and gay men will be able to take employers to tribunals for harassment or discriminatory sacking Homosexual couples will obtain the same rights as heterosexuals. Lesbian mothers will not be denied their children on grounds of sexuality. Local authorities will sure for e able to pursue equality policies.
Equality
In order to implement such changes, a government must publicly assert that there is no basis for discrimination - that lesbians and gay men are equal citizens. This will undermine the belief that we are not, and remove one of the central props of prejudice. Full legal equality creates a precondition for full social equality. But capital.
The state has removed legal discrimination in France, in the Netherlands and elsewhere. But there still remains massive social negative Laws in Britain supposedly outlaw aiscrimination on grounds of race or sex. This doesn't stop the sexism still runs deep. However, this does not mean that these are merely questions of the inevitable length of time it takes to change Heterosexism is not iust a foible of some lawmaker. It is not cussion. Heterosexism is the exfamily structure, essential to capitalism, status of the family and the inferior status of lesbian and gay relations have to be ended. The human capacity for genuine sexual choice has to be freed.
Such changes - by no means an overnight transformation- are part of a socialist revolution. Neither parliamentary enactment nor bolshevik decree will end the oppression of lesbians and gay men. However, while legal reform improves our chances of fighting oppression, the revolutionary victory of socialism will create the conditions for eliminating it.
Labour Must Deliver! Weat needs to be done now in that ight for lesbian and gay liberation is clear. have to organise the biggest possible preslegal reform on an incoming Labour government. In practice this means getting wide support for LCLGR's 'Labour Must Deliver!' campaign.
Three things have to go hand in hand with this. Firstly, it is vital that a fightins resistance to all attacks is organised Secondly, we have to continually counter-attack with demands for lesbian and gay equality. But finally, lesbians and gay men have to participate, in alliance with the working class and other oppressed groups in society, in struggles to end the rule of