THE END of 1992 and beginning of 1993 have witnessed a significant uturn in social struggles in Poland.
A spirit of protest is fast enveloping the country; still uncoordinated and fragmented, out extremely dynamic and already producing major developments.
For the first time since the ration began in 1989, the question being asked in the mass media - and above all, on the will this process take? but 'will it survive?.
The first important element of this protest movement was the all-out strike by miners in mid-December, which rapidly became a virtual general strike in the southern region of Silesia, the most important centre of Polish industry.
The miners' strike was spontaneous. Solidarity, currentiy one of three main lafederations, had been bypassed and marginalised during the strikes of the summer and carly autumn.
In an attempt to restore credibility, the national leadership of Solidarity threatened it would hold its own 'protest actions' against the government's economic policy, and finally called a token wo-nonir stoppage on December 1 This weak-kneed tactic backfired on the labour bureaucrats: when the two hours were over, the Silesian miners simply refused to return to work!
The miners were soon joined by other sections of Silesian workers-by the rail workers in particular. This meant that, as temperatures began to drop in Poland, the country s predominantiy coal-fired power stations looked to be grinding to a halt.
Nationalised
The miners' demands symbolise an important change in labour struggles in Poland. The emphasis of the strike was on savine te nawonansc cout industry as a whole and on ending the discriminatory tax policies of the which destroys the state sector financially so it can then be sold off for next to nothing.
The Silesian strike was the biggest in Poland since the collapse of the old Stalinist regime and by far the most politically significant.-For a time, it even seemed possible that the government would fall, but it was saved by the Solidarity union bureaucracy, who managed to retain leadership of the strikeat a regional level (mainly thank: to the goodwill of the other pit The miners finally went back to work on the basis of a sellout deal that offers little more than empty assurances of noble intentions on the government side. However, rank-and-file opposition to ending the strike was strong, and many pits only returned to work to maintain unity when it beame clear that others were going back.
This has had two important results tor the union HEU Vn ment. First, pressure from the rank and file has produced acks in the bureaucracy c oth Solidarity and the OPZ: (the former 'official' union federation under the Stalinists), both of which are in the process of concluding a nationwide 'social pact' with the goverment.
The second effect may be of much greater significance. The sellout by Solidarity has given the impetus to a move to form a new national union federation on a clearly militant program.
Combative
Moves to set up some form of inter-union coordinating structure began during the summer strikes. Now, the most combative sections of all three major federations, particulariy Silesia, are declaring their will to break with their respecAta meeting attended by 12 unions, six accepted the idea of a new 'independent' federwhile six gave initial Phe first six include the whole Silesian region of Solidarity-80 (mostly mines, steel and auto) and the old OPZZ miners' union, the train drivers, two Solidarity unions and the most they would have a membership of some 700,000. Along with the other six unions that have not yet ratified the agreement, the new federation would bring 1,300,000 workers. This would mark a big change in the composition of the Polish union movement-and a very positive one. Independent powerful and independent umon rederanon com* mitted to a fightback against acking the stigma of previous links with the Stalinist regime (like the OPZZ) or with the country's present anti-worker government (like Solidarity) -would rapidly become an enormous pole of attraction for workers across Poland.
Meanwhile, strikes and protest action are continuing with varying intensity in other parts Alongside the growing industnalachons is a burceonino political movement, in particular growing demands for reterenda.
A draconian law Danning abortion is now going through Poland's parliament.
At present, there is no statutory provision for referenda in No. 39 Poland, but a human rights bill beins auscussca in parament (and sponsored by President Walesa himself) mandates the government to call a referen500,000 citizens.
In the space of one month, pro-choice campaigners colected over 1,500,000 signatures on a petition for a referenWhatever the final outcome, the reterend um campaisn nay for the first time built up an orsanisca ana unica pro choice movement in Poland, which is a huce advance. Referendum committees exist in almost all towns and city districts, and a national conterence 1s plannea tor caruy March to structure the movement nationwide.
Abortion is only one element nere. Ar the end or Lecember. partiament re-introduced censays the modi must respect adopting a law that says Christian values, Parliament is about to give the government the power to rule by decree. Hard right offensive The extreme right is also orcanisins, since te bestrang of January, the most reactionary parties not represented in the ruling coalition have been holding a campaign of demonstrations against Walesa and the government, culminating 'protest march' to the presidential palace on january The danger of these forces acquiring a stronger followins is very real. Confused and feeling betrayed by their former aders, large social layers - es pecially. he impoverishec middle class - could move to support the call for a 'strong no-nonsense overnment o he extreme right (with the un doubted support of the Polish Catholic hierarchy).
The present situation cannot go on much longer. The pro-capitalist forces launch a serious offensive to crush working-class and popular resistance.
At some point, this will mues tere severe For oa much more severe tort authoritarian government -most probably outright dictatorship.
To prevent this scenario from becoming reality, what is necded is a united workers movement in defence of their own interess - in paracur, in defence of democracy and the The main obstacle to this so far has been the ideological damage caused by Stalinism.
I he most unkent ask or au in Poland today is to rebuild the tradition of genuine socialism, and to construct a new political leadership of the working dass based on a socialist program.
March 13, 1993