SHOULD LABOUR reinvent itself as a British version of the nearest American equivalent of a European-style mass social-democratic party, and are naturally attracted to any formula that seemingly offers electoral success against the political right.
But underneath the surface, the current Clintonisation debate is the latest onsons arve to transform Labour into an openly bourgeois formation, as the self-styled 'moderniser faction secks to hitch its strategy 000800050 the Labour Party, which des pite the blandishments of Blair and Co expression of the Democrats ensure that the dependent political expression at all. For would mean a major setback for working Democrats are not, in the European usage of the word, a party as such. but a loose federation of local electoral machines, with no fixed membership or even formal membership requirements. the Democratic Party. beyond the presidential candi late, few staff and no officia gramme, or even a set of princi.
save loosely-worded candidates at every level are ree to implement or ignore, as such a set up for the neo-Kindiers are drawn from organised labour, black and feminist ac tivists, and other progressives. bucks call the political tune, as can be seen by Clinton's stance on everything from workfare to foreign policy.
Free trade Historically, the Democratic which those sections of the US bourgeoisie tavouring tree trade won democratic legitimbase, with the Republicans carRing out this valuable rancaol for protectionist interests. In recant decides, even this distinc tion - minimal from any socialist viewpoint - has eroded to the brink of disappearance. as a party of the left, in the eyes of many recent British commentators, rests almost entirely on velts New Deal of the 1930s -extensive welare retorm and January 30, 1993 No. 36 Democratic Party? Many activists see the Democrats as the Democratsare simply those who vote for Franklin D. Roosevelt: best friend of the profit system counter the great depression -provisions and d erty palpably more rhetorical flected in the upsurge in union militancy of the 1930s and the black activism of the 1960s. Yet to this day, American welfare provision is surely the worst seen in any advanced capita!dvil war of 1861-65. Abolition of slavery was a side issue for Abraham Lincin: the real con• flict was between northern industrial capitalism.represented industry behind tariff walls, plantation owners, grouped wanted free trade to boost their aencultural exports. a ne nort ern victory was decisive in shapins Amenda s subsequent capitalist development. politically dominated by the segregationist ruling class of the Jeep South, and built popular *support among poor southerr whites through unabashed looked to Catholic immigrants from Ireland, Poland and Italy.
The Republicans turned instead to native-born Protestant workers and farmers, and the relatively few enfranchised blacks, who regarded it as the anti-slavery party. But in class terms, both parties constituted blocs between sections of the bourgeoisie and sections of the masses, built around pro-capiWorking class organisation, albeit narrowly based on elitist craft unionism, became increasingly evident after the formation of the American Federation of Labour in 1886. The Socialist Party was briefly able to win substantial support between 1901 and about 1920. But while the European proletariat forged period, the American working dass was crucially unable to attain even this basic first step tothe mast of capitalisa s worst ever slump, President Franklin claim himself the best friend seized the political opportunity Banised labour firmly into the legislation guaranteeing collecThe US economy will need more than a touch of make-up to cover the cracks tive bargaining and the right to organise. Rising class confidence saw general strikes in Minneapolis, San Prancisco and Toledo in 1934 and a wave of factory occupations in 1936-37, with Trotskyists often playing a leading role. Farmer-labor par ties in several states enjoyed Radical emerged a new union - the Congress of Industrial Or. ising working class demands, Roosevelt gave the trade union bureaucracy a place as junior machine in return for labour Communist Partvof the USA. in line with Moscow-dictated policy of popular frontism, happily played ball and even did its best rolling throughout World War wo alter Amenca accidentally found itself allied with the SoBy the late 1940s, high inflation and widespread unem ployment among demobbed service personnel led to a strike sponse, Congress passed draconian anti-union legislation - the notorious Taft-Hartley Act - in Repeal the 1948 election, Democratic President Harrv S. Truman promised its repeal. But followwhich he was heard to exclaim "abour did it.) Truman re sorted to the use of Taft-Hartley 12 times in first year after his the left. By the time of the 1955 AFL-CIO merger, the US labour movement was firmly wedded Thereafter, the Democrats were forced achinst tell sur instincts - to win over black support. Mass migration of black workers to northern cities to service war industries made them longer be ignored in Democrat fortresses like Chicago. black activism against segregation in the Deep South gave the party a major headache, thanks to the continued strength of the the party's racist southern right.
Democrat President Kennedy conceded a weak Civil Rights Act in 1963. Yet Texas Democrat governor John Connally could Kennedy's successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, at the Democratic convention the fol"If you seat those black buggers, the whole South will walk out." LB] had most of the Mississippi delegation physically removed. saw the rise of a cadre of professians who expioited black elected officials rose from 103 in 1964 to 6,424 in 1986. ride the tide and take moderate black demands on board. In so doing, they served both the interests of the ruling class in demobilising black struggle, and the interests of a newly emerconditions continue to deteriorHistory exposes the Demois hollow. It will not take long for Clinton' sactions to prove his administration is a worthy heir to his party's rotten, racist and The Revolutionary Quality of Malcolm X By Steve Bloom o: Socialist Outloo PO Box 1109, London N4 2UU