Published by Verso and Mike Marqusee Reviewed by Pete Firmin WRITTEN by two suporters of Labour Briefin is book does not hide if partisanship.
It shows how Neil Kinnock became the leadership candidate of most of the lett and the more far-thinking right, and then proceeded to demolish most of the policy and democratic gains won in the years just before and after the fall of the Callaghan Whether Kinnock was attacking Labour's policy on the anti-union laws or unilateralism, ensuring sup port for the Gulf War, curbnurging it of undesirables a ng democra common method emerges.
Rather than launch an immediate assault, he would bide his time, line up the votes, and fly the odd kite before moving in for the kill. dietre to ding on to troit nments', their desire to e dear come in fos Kinnock's use of party employees as personal staff shows how the decision. making processes on Labour selectea boares were effectively circumvented.
age seneral erecoon defeats of 1983 (leading to Kinnock's own election as leader) 1987 and 1992 are rather than representing the crowning glory of Kinnock's 'achievements', was the consequence of years spent ditch ing policies that differentiated bour from the Tories.
Borrow or buy this book. Whether or not you were "there' during the Kinnock years, it gives a well-researched insight into what was happening in the higher echelons of the movement. doesn't say and where its emdeliberate concentration on the Labour left, the analysis becomes somewhat one-sided.
New realism cannot be properly explained without struggles against Tory policies after 1979, why and how they were defeated, and Photo: John Harris how this strengthened the hand of both the Tories and the rent of the babout move ment.
Otherwise one could draw No. 34 the conclusion that if only the left were as good at manoeuving as Kinnock everything would have been different.
Dec 92- Jan 93
socialist
to challenge Kinnock on dear come for lose yell